Just as the post-Mukje period is Nano's concept for political struggle in Albania. His placing of Albanian political struggle fifty years back is more or less everything he served to his own socialists. Why does the socialist leader create this scheme of political struggle? What happened after Mukje in Albania at the time? The breaking of the Mukje agreement created a situation of civil war in the country. The communist forces, detached from the real ideal of the struggle, also turned their rifles against the other political forces in Albania at that time. In fact, this was not linked by Nano two days ago. A week ago the leadership of the Socialist Party had issued a statement warning of civil war in Albania. The connection between Nano's statements and the above declaration makes it clear that now the concept of civil war is no longer just one alternative among the socialists' other alternatives. He has put it forward as the way to triumph in the upcoming elections. Fatos Nano does not find it easy to accelerate his reminiscences about taking power by force. Despite declaring a kind of Christianity, it seems that this sign of his softening is only for those who have died. Toward the living he displays the military arsenal of a typically totalitarian vocabulary. When a man dies, his mother believes that many memories about him arise, and not memories written at a time about which Nano preaches gaining ground through its violence in Albania's political arena. It cannot be said so easily from the buffet once announced by him near deadly weapons, armament, packing [?]. It is his entrenched outlook in terms of the Cold War. Deadly weapons have not been thrown by anyone into the squares of Tirana or Tepelenë from where the possibility would arise to send them even further. Your climate of studies is more or less outside the normal hierarchy of a political scholar. But the situation in a legal situation represents the utopia of learning outside the field where the democratic concept moves and outside the situation where norms are answered. The latest political message of war, which was the normal war, is hallucinatory. World War II and the Cold War are inside your mind. It would be a more normal solution to discuss these things in a closed circle such as Ruçi, Islami or someone else. If public consumption were lacking and you were more worthy of a researcher. They would better understand that although the sedentary life of prison is absent when society moves so fast and they experience the world as a field where revenge must be taken. Albania is far too small to bear the obscurantism of a small group. And even more so when this obscurantism pretends to be the burden of all Albanians who are sacrificed free, setting out your shortcomings. Nano's cynicism is palpable. Socialists and all Albanians must rise up and turn the history of that period into a socialist one. The directed mind is lacking for those who hear it. The interview given to his own newspaper is the freshest case in which Nano throws out the theses of settling scores and then forgets them. Once again he defines his own clan. It is the clan through which he will manage to preserve power and from denouncing osiner. Now he tells us of his favorite, Kastriot Islami, who finds it easy to suggest a parliamentary siege as his own card to pursue and likewise the most prepared with the symptoms of binding. Two people before and there is all and their cases dragging along. But the intimacy of the time when he was prime minister also brought him close to Xhabi Brokaj, the minister of Perjolla and squarely with both feet in the affair of the news. He too is important. They ate together in a den of thieves. For the moment they have been forgotten and there is no place even for a consolation for the leadership renewed on the left. Nano speaks more loudly of the philosophy of softening. Nano speaks of forgetting. No one passes through this alternative just to purify his own vision as a man of the future. For him, forgetting is very narrow, or rather appears as the nearest solution that Nano passes into his pocket the years of prison and those after prison. Forgetting as an element for leper-like people remains that of communism, but also its sins in a whole still more pronounced by the leader of the Socialist Party. Thus in the future, through it, he conceptualizes the cooling of force. It is not moral to leave a convicted person to forget, but neither is it moral in the position of a cynical person who prepares rags and writes and who still keeps hope that Nano will take it on again without forgetting the Nano status that reminds him that forgetting is also the entry path. Socialists should be the first to forget and begin forgetting, rather than theirs being the place where their book with the ideology that prepared it will be buried.

President Berisha greets the signing of the Peace Treaty for Bosnia-Herzegovina at the Élysée Palace by the President of Bosnia-Herzegovina Alia Izetbegoviç, the President of Croatia Franjo Tugjman and the President of Serbia Slobodan Miloševiç. He expresses his belief that this agreement marks not only a historic achievement for establishing peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina but also constitutes a real encouragement and an appeal to the International Community and the countries of the Balkans to solve the other problems of the Balkan crisis, among which the most important and acute is that of Kosovo.

(because the public knows you) A statement by Arben Imami given to television on 13.12.1990 sheds light on Imami's concept of the democratic forces in Albania and on his great love for his leader Ramiz Alia. Here is what he said in this public statement: In the name of the initiators of the creation of the PD and in the name of the democratic movement that showed its will at yesterday's rally in Tirana, we express our concern and our deep indignation over the bitter news we learned from TV about the ugly acts of breaking the law by destructive forces in Kavajë and Shkodër. Below the statement continues. Let us recall the words of the Chairman of the Presidium of the People's Assembly, comrade Ramiz Alia, with yesterday's slogan: “If we seek democracy by violating the law, we will never achieve it”

The President of Bosnia, Alija Izetbegoviç, the President of Croatia, Franjo Tugjman and the President of Serbia Slobodan Miloševiç, signed yesterday at the Élysée Palace in Paris the peace agreement for Bosnia-Herzegovina. At the moment of signing, the American President Bill Clinton, the French President Jacques Chirac, the German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, the British Prime Minister John Major, the Russian Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin, as well as the head of the Spanish government, Felipe Gonzalez, stood beside the signatories. Also present was the first to break into applause, repeated several times deliberately at the end of the protocol, after a few moments of Miloševiç's handshake to stretch out his hand to his Croatian counterpart, Franjo Tugjman. The Western leaders and the Russian one also signed the agreement as witnesses. The signing ceremony took place in the reception hall at the Élysée in the presence of around 40 ministers and secretaries of international organization representations. The peace agreement, concluded on 21 November in Dayton, sets Bosnia's path, which from now on will be composed of two different political entities: on the one hand the Serb republic with 49% of the territory and on the other the Croat-Bosnian federation with 51% of the territory. Sarajevo remains the united capital of the country. This agreement will deploy an international force made up of 60,000 troops, among whom one third and at least Americans [?] will be Americans and as many Europeans. This force will stay in Bosnia for approximately one year. Its withdrawal is planned after the organization of general elections in the country and before the American presidential elections, scheduled for November 1996. Photo: REUTERS AFP

In his latest column, Mr. G. Çobani has undertaken a series of writings in which the attack on the Democratic Party, the main political force in Albania, is striking, as Çobani, who in the night issue of the 17th and in the day issue of the Republic speaks in an imposing language even toward the Albanian Parliament and the President of the Republic. But what has removed the last leaf from this society is the search for political prostitution by P.J. if the PD did not give the honorable M. Ashko the door [?] to declare that the PR, out of spite toward the PD, would defile itself with the assembly (with the PS). Mr. Çobani writes: “If this hypothesis is confirmed by time, then the LDSH and the PR, as formations of the same current connection, will pursue its efforts to the end, fully freed from any kind of prejudice or consumptive petition that may be placed on them, coordinating its efforts with all the other forces that have signed the common alternative of the 13 parties (Rep. dated 10.11.1995 p.2). On this occasion, I think we should openly say to Mr. Çobani that you and those who stand behind you, let them sleep and prostitute themselves as much as they want with the PS. The Democratic Party is pleased that the PS gathers around itself as many as possible like you and those who think like you or who stand behind you, because this is how Albanian democracy wins, by having missionaries like you in fewer numbers. The Democratic Party does not steal votes, but it also does not have votes for political prostitutes. And the comparisons you make of Hindenburg and Hitler in yesterday's article smell not only of an unaware ordinary thief, but also of a political thug who is frightened by F. Nano's theses and by the one he sleeps with at night. E.DIBRA

In his interview yesterday, Nano did not hesitate to present his alternative, embraced by the Burgu of Benca, by bowing, among other things, to his concept that he will not organize the state. Specifically, he stated that “if more official political forces had declared that in these elections, before Nano had been decided to replace experts and involve old apparatchiks in recent years, who with the management of the state administration during these four years, before Nano had been decided to replace experts and involve old apparatchiks in recent years, who with the management of the state administration during these four years, except for a minority, have moved on to other positions. It is clear that in these conditions Nano as the future prime minister will have no possibility not to have the old apparatchiks. “So Nano promises the militants of his party that he will secure them places in all structures of the state administration, removing from these places the experts and the young people who have been in this state administration during this four-year period.” So Nano has decided to replace experts and involve old apparatchiks in recent years, who with the management of the state administration during these four years, except for a minority, have moved on to other positions. Because political struggle also begins in the administration and over the old apparatchiks. Because political struggle also began in the administration and over the old apparatchiks. Because of the implementation of the PS, the former security apparatchiks of the state, that is, the very nomenklatura of the old regime. M.B

THE LABOR PARTY OF ALBANIA PARTY COMMITTEE REP.5344 NO.394 REG. Tirana, 10.12.1990 Subject: Information on some current problems that are taking place in the students' city of the University “Enver Hoxha” CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE PPSH MILITARY SECTOR TIRANA p.3

Minutes of the meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the PPSH, dated 2 and 3 July 1974 F.7

PS instructors collect drachmas in Athens p.3

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