Hundreds of state administration employees and private businesspeople were at the same time SHIK employees DB.9 14/3/1993 REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SERVICE VLORË BRANCH LIST OF EMPLOYEES OF THE INTELLIGENCE SERVICE, VLORË BRANCH LIST NAME SURNAME OF SH. I R.O.DEK? [?] NOLI, NOBY [?] (HAJDARJ DAKOLLI) If this list is genuine and not fabricated, it shows that SHIK had an extremely broad, unknown and dense activity in state offices, in the police, in construction, in the fight against drugs and prostitution, in different environments, through names, agents and observers, who according to these SHIK designations had begun to play multiple roles in various public sectors. The names we are publishing today are the result of a registration made in the SHIK office in Vlorë for a large number of persons who had been connected to this institution. According to the document presented here, there are enough names to show that in every directorate, in every sector, in every police force, in every enterprise there were people linked to SHIK. This document dated 14/3/1993 specifically mentions names and connections that shed light on a broad intelligence network. It is clear that the list presented here is not a complete one and that many of these names may have been used without their knowledge or may have been recorded for other operational reasons. Nevertheless, its publication raises serious questions about the way SHIK was used in earlier years and about its reach into public life.

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He is prone to provoke and shameless in denying it The presidency of 29 June and part of the Albanian political class are shaping the President of the Republic according to the model of the former Parliament: a manipulator of words, a stirrer of quarrels, a man of political immorality. They do not understand that they are harming a man who has a noble mission for the people and the homeland. This is the drama of the opposition itself. With the weight of Sali Berisha’s grave and criminal actions, they try to invent another Sali Berisha. There is none. Naturally, this is not about confusing the high office of the President of the Republic, who through his conduct has cast himself in the shadow of what he was and continues to be, Berisha. Berisha has been a center of unrest, has encouraged it with words and deeds, and has been shameless in denying it. What he has done has not been denied only by him. It has also been confirmed by the highest leaders of the Council of Europe and the European Union. Berisha alone is indulging himself by saying that the events of 14 September never happened, that the coup d'état was a fabrication of the government. Nor do coarse words save him from this madness, such as when he once said that the government had "resigned itself". Nor do insults against Nano and the government pull him out of this filth, insults that now resemble the howls of a sphinx, the cries and howls of a fox when jackals have caught it. Instead of condemning the opening of fire by Azem Hajdari’s personal bodyguards, the attack on the Central Election Commission, the burning of the newspaper "Koha Jonë" building, the call to overthrow the government by revolution, the road blockades, the use of weapons, the reversal of the actions of the Constitutional Court, the complicated arrest in the language of hatred and lies, he continued with accusations against the government, openly aiming at destabilizing the country. He is once again revealing his old face: a man thirsty for power at any cost. That is why it is no coincidence that he appears before the public with the same vocabulary, the same behavior, and the same strategy of slander and aggression.

Yet another scandal follows the staging of the scandal machines of Berisha’s criminal structures. Last week showed how public attention was diverted from the progress of the investigations, from the people’s demands for justice and from the activity of the institutions. Berisha’s criminal structures, the display of weapons, the calls for a coup and for assassinations and the overthrow of the constitutional order, have been the core of an activity that seeks to shift public attention and artificially create a climate of tension. In other words, Berisha is a familiar script: slander, accuse, raise a smoke screen, and then try to present yourself as a victim. Instead of demanding accountability for the attacks in the area, the burning of the press, the seizure of institutions and the open calls for violence, he calls these fabrications and continues down the same path. For this reason there can be no doubt that political destabilization is a deliberate strategy. It is regrettable that new efforts are being made to hide the truth of the events and to bring back a climate of insecurity. SHIK, as shown by such documents, had built an entire network of people in the administration and in various sectors of public life, turning the state into an instrument of political control. The publication of such documents is important not for revenge, but to understand the scale of a distorted system that used names, connections and invisible structures to influence the country’s institutions.

The farewell to the deputy chairman, “Hero of the People”, Haxhi Lleshi It was made to everyone, it hurts everyone. Under the twilight of funeral marches, opposites are gathered to speak faintly; shame presumed to advise: make peace, the one who has gone without comrades has left the living, but still the breath of a time that four times was warlike for land and flag. Above the head still weighs and echoes the shot of death, on the bridge and in the clouds, war and tower. In every betrayal of innocence entangled with foundational earth, pain finally scorches the human being. It was not yet said! Over bone, desolate bones and over the remnants of a changed time, summoned, shortened news of crime and holiness. Preordained and unrecognizable to the enraged Leader of hundreds of workers. Such was the reign of the "eternal one", still with the divisions of the "lahuta" still with the divisions of the "lahuta"! Page 5