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Report of the First Congress of PR delivered by its chairman, Mr. Sabri Godo

RAPORT I KONGRESIT TË PARË TË PR I MBAJTUR NGA KRYETARI I SAJ ZOTI SABRI GODO

Relazione del primo Congresso del PR tenuta dal suo presidente, sig. Sabri Godo

Original newspaper scan

Original newspaper scan

REPORT OF THE FIRST CONGRESS OF PR DELIVERED BY ITS CHAIRMAN MR. SABRI GODO On 22 March communism was defeated and political reconstruction was established in Albania. This victory, which will go down in the country’s history as one of the greatest events, was achieved through the people’s revolution, as well as through armed uprising, although the weapons of painful bloodshed were also fully used. On 22 March a 50-year regime was overthrown and the path was opened to freedom and the reality of the time. The historical turning point in Albania was preceded by the mass protests in Kavaja, Vlorë, Shkodër and elsewhere, and by the exodus of July 1990. But the genuine turning point began with the student movement of November. Here too the idea of creating our party took shape, because it was the student movement that forced Ramiz Alia’s communist regime to accept pluralism and to retreat in the face of the strengthening of political parties, without which the transition from dictatorship to the present order could not have been made. This entire period has been marked by intensities and tensions unknown in Albanian political life, affecting the whole country down to its most remote corners. These realities, as well as certain other factors, must be borne in mind in order to make fair political judgments about what we have achieved and what we want to achieve. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY FROM JANUARY 1991 TO MARCH 1992 Without doubt, the main protagonist and the one bearing the greatest burden in the struggle to bring down the Enverist dictatorship was the Democratic Party. But alongside it, the Republican Party appeared on the political scene, making a contribution that certainly cannot be denied or underestimated. It had its own share in overturning one of the most tragic social-political-economic orders in the history of humankind. To assess the role of PR in this period, we must take at least the following factors into account: - PR, like PD, was not created under conditions of calm and normal political life. It had to take part in addressing the serious issues of the day from the moment it was still in embryo, with an initiatory committee and under severe time constraints, before the structures of a party had even been formed. The entire complex process of creating the Party, its program, statute, press, documentation, and the central and local leadership bodies, had to be carried out under conditions of fierce opposition and struggle. Maximum speed was required. Naturally, in such extraordinary circumstances, mistakes would also be made. - Opposed to us was the Stalinist-Enverist party and state, which possessed a large bureaucratic apparatus with all the necessary tools to defend and strike. The conditions in which we were creating it also included a complete lack of means and experience with organized opposition. - The existence of PD unquestionably made the creation of PR necessary, though this factor also constituted an obstacle. Around PD, our main ally, there gathered at first the urban masses and partly the rural ones, like a very large and determined political army. Only a few weeks had passed from the creation of PD to the creation of PR, but under the stormy conditions that emerged after the decisive wave, our party was to experience slow growth. From the outset, our population naturally entered with enthusiasm, and to earn applause and maturity we had to rely as strongly as possible on PD; the belief that support from any other opposition party would weaken the anti-communist struggle was not a correct one. True, but it was created and took root and permeated the entire political process, which hindered growth in the two electoral campaigns, March 1991 and March 1992. PR was viewed with sympathy, but always as a reserve force for the future, after the main issue had been resolved, namely the establishment of democracy. These objective factors must be taken into account. But this must in no way prevent us from strongly uncovering a series of subjective factors as well, our shortcomings as a whole and especially in the leadership of the Party. Every genuine political party has a correct, clear and consistent strategy and tactic, whereas we had quite a bit of tactical ambiguity. - The strategic priority defined from the very creation of the party was the overthrow of communism, establishing a constitutional and effective political order. Here all our efforts were concentrated on discrediting the PPSH (PS) as the executor of the communist system, the source of all evils and of the tragedy of the entire people. Our firm determination did not deviate from this objective, also in order to be resolute, but also restrained, avoiding armed punishment and the civil war sought by the PPSH through its continued adventurous provocations. From the beginning, PR positioned itself as an active opposition force, without hesitation but also by increasing its stature as a party that insisted strongly and at the same time pushed for the best choices in a complicated situation. Political life and this stance were correct and effective. - Another strategic objective of the party was that the monist state of the dictatorship of the proletariat be fully replaced by a Western-type democratic republican order. On this front too, we never had even the slightest doubt. - Another objective of this society is the social system’s alignment with the economy and development through the market economy, in which free individual initiative and private property should be brought in. This was the main point. Through the program, the press and later propaganda, we worked hard for this idea to be embraced by the Party and to make its way into the people’s minds as the only way out of the catastrophic situation. Our strategy was also correct in choosing allies in the long and bitter struggle. As an ally, we first chose PD, the vanguard force of the opposition. Cooperation later extended to PSD as well. We gave priority to relations with the independent trade unions and the association of former politically persecuted persons, taking part in rallies and attending strikes. Likewise, to the extent of our means, we assisted emigrants and the victims of the communist system with humanity in every case. We avoided any cooperation with recently proclaimed opposition parties with a [unclear] stance. We acted as a consolidating force that homogenizes the opposition front. At the same time, we avoided rapprochement with those anti-communist groups and parties that had anti-republican aims. Up to 22 March, this strategy of choosing allies was correct and honest, in the interest of the party and the nation. In July, in parliament, our strategy consisted in choosing Albania’s main allies and taking concrete steps toward party links with these countries. A political issue abroad has been and remains the problem of Albanians living on their own lands in Yugoslavia and the Cham issue. Our party has had and has a clear national stance and has acted actively in this direction. It is enough to mention the petition from last October, signed by half a million people, and the visit of the activist of UÇ?a [?]. These strategic objectives have been correct. Therefore, we do not need to change anything from these objectives and orientations, except if the fodder of their (Continued on page 4)