Partitë politike, pas diskutimesh paraprake kanë dakort në parim për krijimin e një qeverie të stabilizimit të vendit, me pjesëmarrjen dhe mbështetjen e të gjitha forcave deri në zgjedhjet e reja. Partitë politike po vazhdojnë diskutimet për të konkretizuar programin, përbërjen dhe afatet. Shënim: Këtë njoftim deputetëve kryetari Kas[?]lami, duke u sugjeruar [?] fundonin diskutimet.

Please, whom should we trust: Fatos Nano as a scholar, analyzing the supposed Western flirtation that would supposedly lead that declining state there, or as prime minister today, offering us the market economy that he, as a former scholar, rejected? And why must we insist so much on this man, as though he were born only to be prime minister, when such a large number of people have risen up to demand the government’s resignation? And what of his personal role and voice? Apparently, the seat, even though it has barely had time to warm, even in such gloomy days and amid so many storms, is hard to give up. This is nothing new for the communists, because we have grown used to seeing the same people in high positions, the same seat-devourers who led us into this tragedy, because misery can be called nothing else. There are differences among honest communists, and even among their deputies. But it is out of step with the times for someone, or some people, to insist that this government should not resign, but instead be declared complete; that we should have a coalition rather than a government of national salvation; that early elections should be held, but preferably later; and that Parliament should continue functioning. How can a parliament with so many agricultural cooperative chairmen and doctors perform its legislative duties when jurists and politicians are outside it or present only in tiny numbers? How can this parliament, one-party in its substance, remain in place when the people now have so many new parties that must be represented? How just is this, given the fact that these very political forces were brought in to find a solution to the crisis. If you seek and want them in difficult times, why hesitate to bring them into Parliament? The people have understood this well, which is why they are demonstrating, and why the miners are heading toward martyrdom, to save themselves—and if they do not succeed, then may Albania succeed as soon as possible. At this moment, when even a minute— …would change a government in the face of such a situation, when 40 percent of the electorate does not approve of it, all the more so because events have moved very quickly and the electorate has now changed? It is no longer the same village that gave its vote almost unanimously, but a different village, which has taken action to take possession of the land that the Labour Party declared state-owned. Why? Because Mr. Nano’s government considered privatization only for the city, and the study of the new pricing policy would seriously damage the life of our peasant, who is already more than sorely afflicted. But the government and Mr. Nano are calm. Even though the miners are being martyred in the Valias mine gallery, shut in and undergoing a physiological and political hunger strike; even though pleased, the leader of Albania and of the Party, to whom the current government, or the one-party parliament, was also made available, as were the seats, for as long as he remained in office. And more than anything else, what represents a surviving party of communism, which has among its chairpersons as well as its deputies, this is—

Hungry people go on hunger strike! This is not easy. And, on the eighth day, I spoke with the hunger strikers in Valias. Some were being carried on stretchers to the infirmary. I am in no way in favor of decisions being imposed on Parliament or a political party under emotional pressure. Someone may applaud these actions, but the nation will not forgive them. But this is no longer a matter of emotions. The conclusion is that this Parliament and this government cannot get the country out of the crisis. Then what remains is to dissolve Parliament or dissolve the people. But no one is calling for Parliament to be dissolved. A new government is being called for. Why is this not accepted? Because it is claimed that “the majority of the people, the electorate of March 31, do not accept this.” And so the circle closes again. This is happening because the old cadres of the PP will not leave their trenches, no matter how loudly the horns blow and urge some districts in the South and North to rise up against Central Albania and especially Tirana, Shkodër, Kavajë. We are returning to the time of Haxhi Qamil, but in the opposite geographical direction. The conservative wing of the PP, the one dreaming of even a partial return to the past, is weighing down even that part which wants renewal, which wants to adapt to the times. We sincerely hope that the latter will find the strength to break away, to stand with the country and democracy. If anyone in the opposition thinks otherwise, they are neither Albanian nor democratic. Today we must work side by side to save the country, not by treating it as an arena where computers are thrown about, and not by calculating party gains and losses. Let us do those calculations later; let us contend through political dialogue once the country has secured bread and peace, because then people will have more time to listen. Today, all that is needed is work, unity, calm, a national government, and new elections. As soon as we set out on this path, the world, from which we are waiting for help, will also begin to act differently. Our minds and our hands remain our only salvation, on condition that a new government is formed and the electorate is verified once again, on the date to be set. Every country in difficulty does this. We have every reason to say that we have gone beyond the limits of difficulty and are living amid anarchy. Not a single day’s delay is acceptable. In Shkodër, Durrës, Elbasan, Korçë, besides the general strike, there are hunger strikes, and women have joined them; they wait and remain silent. They want to preserve their seats at any cost. That is how the Party they represent preserves its seats. The contradiction is open and clear. On one side is the people, seeking a way to salvation, to free themselves from fanatical communist dogma, even if renewed; on the other is a Party (please understand me, dear honest communist: I do not mean you, but its top leadership, implicated—as deputy Leontiev Çuçi said—in economic abuses for personal gain), which fears the people’s democracy and fears scrutiny and judgment of its privileges. More than that, it fears a trial for causing misery in Albania. Amid this turmoil, we do not understand why some new deputies are also getting involved, even though they are not among those who committed abuses. How have they still not understood that the era of one-party rule, and of the Labour Party’s leadership and domination in Albania, is over! It is true that, as a tactic, you invited the political forces to take part in the government, but this was a trick. This people has seen many such actions by the communists. Do not forget the election law, which Ramiz Alia himself made as he pleased, the leader—

KORÇË Më 16.5.1991 zhvilloi punimet Konferenca e degës PR. Z. Miha­naq Mocka, Arben Gjata, Ferdinand Xhialli, Nesti Polena etj. diskutuan dhe rrahën mendime për situatën në vend, për problemet që e preokupojnë rrethin politik. Pastaj u kalua në zgjedh­dhje. Kryetar i degës për Korçën u zgjodh Vanjgush Dishnica dhe sekretar Vladimir Shehaj. Gjithashtu u zgjodhën delegatë për Konferencën Kombëtare të PR. SHIJAK Më 20.5.1991, dega e Partisë Republikane e qytetit të Shijakut zhvilloi konferencën e saj në shkallë rrethi. Raportin mbi veprimtarinë e degës, fjalën nga kryetari i saj, e (vijon në faqen 4-?)

Ka plot dy javë që vendi është i shtrënguar në darën e rëndë të grevës së përgjithshme, e pa shembull në historinë tonë. DEKLARATË E PR MBI ZHVILLIMIN E NGJARJEVE NË VEND Ka plot dy javë që vendi është i shtrënguar në darën e rëndë të grevës së përgjithshme, e pa-shembull në historinë tonë. Partia Republikane me përgjegjësi të veçantë ka ndjekur zhvillimin e ngjarjeve, duke dhënë ndihmesën e saj që ajo të mos kthehet në një rrënim gjithëkombëtar. PR përkrah çdo në fillim kërkesat e BSP, organizoi një takim me ta dhe nuk u pajtua me trajtimin e tyre me vonesë, me masa të çala dhe pa transparencën që kërkon koha nga ana e Qeverisë. Ky qëndrim i çoi minatorët grevistë të Valiasit në grevën e urisë që tani është mbështetur nga shumë rrethe të tjera si Elbasani, Berati, Korça, Shkodra, Durrësi, Fieri, Pogradeci. Gjedja flet qartë jo për një krizë thjesht ekonomike, por për një krizë të thellë politico-sociale, mosbesimi ndaj qeverisë në qytet dhe në fshat. Në programin e paraqitur ajo nuk dha asnjë shifër për mundësitë financiare që ka dhe afatet kohore për të realizuar ato që premton. Gjatë dhjetë ditëve të fundit të majit, Partia Republikane ka bërë çdo përpjekje për të arritur në një zgjidhje të arsyeshme, në bashkëpunimin me partitë e tjera politike. Por, duke parë se bisedimet po zgjaten tej çdo afati të lejuar, PR e gjen me vend të deklarojë se është për një qeveri të unitetit kombëtar, që do të tejkalojë deri në zgjedhjet e reja të parakohshme dhe me sistem proporcional. Ky hap do të qetësonte popullin dhe do ta kthente vendin në rrugën e zhvillimit dhe të besimit se mund të ndërtojmë një jetë normale edhe në Shqipëri. Koha nuk pranon asnjë zvarritje të mëtejshme. KOMISIONI NISMETAR I PRSH