The great upheavals in Eastern Europe, and especially in the Balkans, offered Greece the chance to play a new role in Balkan and European politics. As the only non-communist country and a member of all European institutions, Greece could become a point of reference and a driving force for the new and fragile Balkan democracies on their road to integration into Europe. After 1990, Greek political emissaries appeared in Tirana, Skopje, Sofia, Belgrade and Bucharest to express Greece’s solidarity with the new regimes and Athens’s readiness to help and lead them on the road to Europe. At that time, concrete projects were also drawn up to create Balkan institutions and designate a “Balkan Strasbourg,” which was to be Thessaloniki. It cannot be said, then, that Greece made no effort to take advantage of the opportunity offered by the fall of the new regimes. But apparently something is not working, because, on the one hand, the Balkan partners refused to follow Athens’s path and set out in search of other roads to Europe. As things “fell apart,” the prophetic Balkan precursor was recalled, the poet [part cut off/unclear] … collective that astonished the world. In those days, there was also talk and writing about a lightning visit by Mikotacis to Belgrade, where he reached an understanding with Milosheviç to divide Macedonia in two. The war was raging in Croatia, and amid the turmoil in Macedonia the two allies apparently thought they could settle the question of Macedonia between themselves. Thus, the Balkan developments at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s brought to light an old demon of Balkan politics: Greek nationalism. “Pathetic nationalism,” “neurotic nationalism,” as J. Helmut Shmidt first described it, as well as Noel Malkolmi’s characterization—both eminent figures in European politics and journalism—seemed to express the true essence of this demon, which entered Greece’s body when it was founded as a state at the beginning of the previous century and from which it has still not managed to free itself. For 150 years, national exclusivism, contempt and hatred toward those belonging to another race or faith have been injected into every pore of Greek society. Take a look at today’s Greek press: it talks about “Albanian scoundrels,” “Turkish Huns,” and the “Slavo-Bulgarians of Skopje.” The mockery and invective do not stop at… … four young people from an organization called the “Movement Against War and Chauvinism.” They were arrested by police while distributing leaflets calling out: “Neighboring peoples are not our enemies. Let us say no to chauvinism and war!” The act of the four courageous young people was considered a grave attack against the state and national interests. Quickly and efficiently, “spontaneous” demonstrations and signature-gathering drives were organized throughout Greece to demand the punishment of the “traitors” and “agents,” who were being… thrown into prison. This is a sad case involving four antifascist young men, one that calls into question democracy itself and the state of human rights and freedoms in Greece. The first impression every foreigner gets from contact with the Greeks is this people’s insistence, at every opportunity, on their connection to the Greece of Pericles and Plato. Certainly, this constant reference to antiquity is also a way of reacting to the former “barbarians”—their European partners, who have meanwhile made giant strides. In essence, then, it is a way of smothering an inferiority complex by intoxicating oneself with the fumes of past glory. This is not a matter of being cynical, but Greece’s exclusion from the Common Market, if for no other reason, would truly be useful in seeing the real extent of this small country’s behavior as a superstate. … just like the other Balkan countries. For this reason, historical literature has always spoken of a “barbarization” of Greece during the Middle Ages. What weighs heavily on today’s Greeks, full of delusions of grandeur, is that this “barbarization” was not confined to material and cultural life. Here it would be fitting to recall a brilliant history of the past that deeply shook the Greek establishment, built on myths no less than on realities. In 1830, the German historian J. F. Fallmerayer published… to take advantage of the opportunity offered by the new circumstances. But apparently something is not working, because one of the Balkan partners refused to follow the road to Athens and set off in search of other routes to Europe. It seems that “someone” reminded the people of the Balkans of the prophetic warning of the Latin poet Virgili, 2,000 years ago: “Timeo Danaos... (Beware of Greeks)! The way official Greece reacted to the distrust and lack of confidence that its Balkan neighbors showed toward its “outstretched hand” is enough to dispel any illusion of this kind. From a candidate for “capital of the Balkans,” Thessaloniki became, in the winter of 1992–1993, a hotbed of nationalist history directed against neighboring countries. At that time, the famous “Vorioepir” rally was held there, where, in the presence of ministers and generals, the priest of Konitsa, Sebastianoi, openly called for the annexation of Southern Albania. It was also in Thessaloniki that the million-strong demonstration for “Greek Macedonia” was organized, an absurdity of democracy, [fragmentary text: “man with great spiritual spoonfuls and tireless worker”]. Around his figure, various [things] were [gathered], but it was thought that everyone had a duty to recognize his merits; I mentioned them as president and as a person. Tropoja has attracted attention with its lively, colorful vocabulary, which began to flourish together [with others] a year ago, though now it is no longer heard, nor does Tropoja stand out for its beauty. A place attracts attention also for what it adds to the national wealth. Tropoja is known for its high-quality chromium and several agricultural products. In conversations with people here, one hears much praise for the local government, and in some villages there are people of such worth who have to get their bread from you with advice because of delays in providing assistance. to get bread ...

Two stories Before going to prison accused of corruption, Gardini takes his own life Italy’s tenth suicide in the corruption investigation Raul Gardini, 60, one of the leading figures in Italian industry, killed himself after being accused of “corruption and falsification,” on the day another “victim” of Italian corruption, Kiani, who had ended his life in prison, was to be buried. Gardini is the tenth person to kill himself since the start of the investigations into corruption cases that have gripped neighboring Italy. Formentini, the mayor of Milan, commenting on the latest suicide, declared that “this is yet another episode showing the collapse of a political-economic system that for 40 years brought politicians and business representatives together.”

Fatos Nano heading for the prison doors

When Sheqet Beja or Selaudin Toto were sent to the gallows by the most criminal hands, by the hands of fascist criminals—that is, when Albania and its future were sent to the gallows; when Musine Kokalari was executed by those same criminal hands—that is, when the youth of Albania were executed—Dokle, this ordinary variant of the fascist Goebbels… Fehmiu Abdu’s alibi, a criminal prosecutor and judge, is an outright lie; Dokle’s alibi is just as false as that of chief inquisitor Cela and his collaborators, who are now in prison. Aranit Cela was a blind, macabre tool in the hands of the dictatorship. But Dokle, what can he tell us? That he was blind when he judged a person through the newspaper… K... Selau(d)in Toto were bloodthirsty, while the hands ... fascist, that is, when Albania and its future were being sent to the gallows; when, at the hands of these criminals, Musine Kokalari was executed by firing squad—that is, when the youth of Albania was being executed—Dokle, this clownish version of the criminal Gebels, was innocent. (As innocent as the other diabolical offspring of criminal, perverse fathers.) But when, barbarously, gods and young men from Shkodra are slaughtered by criminal hands without having committed any crime or fault, and are dragged in the most medieval manner through the towns and villages of Albania (The fascists executed people, tortured them, and hanged them in town squares, but have you ever heard of them dragging corpses along the roads after killing people?), Dokle, the common version of the fascist Gebels, is not innocent. There is no alibi that can get him out of the dock. His alibi is even more dishonest than that of the minister of violence and terror, Ruci, so ... ... “Sheqet Beja or ... criminal prosecutor and judge, entirely ... Dokle’s alibi is even more [unintelligible] than the alibi of chief inquisitor Çela and his collaborators, who are now in [prison?]. Aranit Çela dictatorship. But Dokle, what can he tell us? Or was he blind when he judged people through the criminal newspaper “Zëri i Popullit”? But Dokle, what can he tell us ...? Listen to him when he makes panegyrical speeches from the rostrum of the Albanian Parliament, seated very close to his victims, alongside other murderers. Listen to those who speak about fascism in Albania today—the very people (or their fathers) who created the most fascist and criminal model of a state. This is the face of today’s government, which has [fragmentary] ... Dokle, the unrepentant fascist, since it has pardoned Dokle and the criminal gang of the Party of Labour; since today’s government does not summon Dokle and the versions of ... ... in the history of dictatorships. P. SKENDERI

On Monday, the Albanian Parliament considered the request by the Prosecutor General to lift MP Fatos Nano’s immunity. He is accused of “having abused his office through unlawful acts or omissions, thereby committing the criminal offense provided for by the Criminal Code, and at the same time having falsified official documents.” For former Prime Minister Fatos Nano, now an MP and chairman of the Socialist Party, the criminal case began on May 6, 1993. Further investigations into the case of aid received from Italy and the corruption surrounding it, in which other former government officials besides Nano are also accused, require the lifting of immunity under the law. All the MPs present, ATSH reported, agreed that the Prosecutor’s Office request to lift Nano’s immunity should be placed on the agenda. Late the night before last, the MPs unanimously voted to lift MP Fatos Nano’s immunity. THE EDITOR

From Mr. Sabri Godo’s speech at the meeting with the citizens of Tropojë on July 26 On July 26, the Republican Party branch in Tropojë held a meeting of its active members, attended by invited citizens. The Party chairman, Mr. Sabri Godo, and member of the Steering Committee, Mr. Aleksandër Çina, also took part. In his speech, among other things, Mr. Godo said: “Recently we have been holding meetings in the districts to explain more clearly our ideas about what needs to be done. You have heard representatives of various parties, and again they talk about the history of the districts. This is not the time to talk only about these things. To live only with history is like warming yourself in the sun and moon, especially when they no longer give warmth; it is like passing today by the past, while the clock keeps ticking all day. If you have dreams, saying that you have the past, [you divert] attention from the interests and the whole of the men of ... This becomes even worse when you try to get things done through the hands of an unhelpful bureaucracy. But if you have a local government of this kind, it is a game that you choose and leave without bringing it before the public. Local government is not limited merely to distributing assistance. You have unemployment, while the factory and mine have closed. You have a brick factory that could be put into operation with very little effort, yet you go and buy bricks in Tirana. Such madness is unbelievable. The production of plums and other fruit is not abundant, but there is not a single measure to open processing workshops. There is still a factory that would process chestnuts. You yourselves are to blame for such negligent local government, in the municipality and commune. But this local government must also be defended and, in many respects, with good reason. It does not have the power to open the brick factory because that depends on the ministry in Tirana. The central government is directly complicit in this local government, which has gone a year without ... Tropoja has drawn attention with its dynamic, colorful history, which began to flourish together some years ago, but now it is no longer making itself felt, and Tropoja is no longer notable for its beauty. A place also attracts attention for what it contributes to national wealth. Tropoja is known for its high-quality chrome and several agricultural products. In conversations with people here, you hear much criticism of local government, and in some villages there are people so badly off that they have to ask for bread because assistance is delayed. It is a particular misfortune for a person to have to ask for bread ... This becomes even worse when [local government] is put in a position to function and do something. One of the government’s great mistakes is that it does not understand the vital importance of local government and has taken responsibility for running the whole country through ministries, with the result that you have to go and buy bricks in Tirana. Either the government has now understood this grave mistake and still does not want to correct it, or it cannot. People here, as everywhere in Albania, talk about corruption as a major obstacle to getting anything done. Corruption is a fault at almost every level and is as troubling as smoke and polluted air. I was a little surprised to hear on television that Mr. Selami had apparently said in Parliament that I was engaging in demagoguery by denouncing the government for its inability to fight corruption. I do not believe Mr. Selami was here to interpret the situation, since everyone, young and old, knows that we are up to our necks in corruption. This must be one of those distortions that someone deliberately puts on television. Or perhaps it comes from this long-distance dialogue, from Përmet to Tropojë. I do not like this long-distance dialogue. I have always tried to talk face to face. Mr. Selami also said there that we are in a coalition. We have made our position clear about what we mean by a coalition. It is not a good sign to insist that we already have a coalition in the modern sense of the word. That would mean that no changes in the way the country is governed are expected. I have not come here to persuade you to vote for us, because it is not election time and no such request is being made. I have come to ask you to give more space in Tropojë to the modern civilization of a man from the Republicans, a man with the ideas and experience of this land, Baca Bajrami, whom the monarchists killed, and to the one who gave voice to republicanism in Albania for everyone, F. Noli. You should ... (continued on page 2)

The madwoman N. of Tirana gathered a fairly large crowd of curious onlookers around herself on Monday and Tuesday. At first, dozens of beautiful vases rushing toward her caught the eye (as was later learned, the only reason was that the day before, the madwoman had distributed notices on sheets of paper announcing the winners of “Miss Albania ’93”). Not much time passed before the madwoman N. began shouting: “Before I announce the winners of the ‘Miss Albania’ show, a few brief announcements: Some of my counterparts will seek political asylum in the West. Namik Dokle will seek political asylum in France. You don’t believe that three years ago he insulted Ismail Kadare when Kadare sought political asylum in France. Now Dokle himself is seeking asylum in France. I recommended asylum in Vlora; he wants it in Paris. As for the Constitution, the Presidency of the Alliance of Democracy and I declare the decisions of the Meksi Government null and void. The PS parliamentary group asked for a meeting about the Constitution. But I have no time to see them. What I have in front of me, I eat; they wander around ... corrupting. Now I will announce,” shouted the madwoman N., “the winners of the ‘Miss Albania ’93’ show.” The large crowd of curious onlookers, mostly girls, paid attention when the madwoman N. shouted: “I declare ten days of mourning for Miss Corruption. Miss Corruption cannot enjoy her grand victory, because yesterday she killed herself, overwhelmed by her unexpected success and ... pride. Miss Corruption will wear a red outfit, completely transparent, and gold-rimmed glasses. The other winners are: Miss Vorio-Epiri, Miss Milo, Miss Photo-genia — Miss Hadijet Beqiri, strongly challenged by Miss Arben Imami; Miss Apostle — a special award honoring the Albanian social democrat, Miss Justice, former deputy chair of the High Court, in the absence of Aranit Çela; and other madwomen once again. Miss Smile, Miss Prostitute, Miss Elegance. A special miss has been proposed for all these winning misses—Miss Alliance. Azem Hajdari has sacrificed everything for the Democratic Party: ‘I understand the party as Jefferson’s party,’ says Azem Hajdari—here it is in writing too, ‘the madwoman said, showing a newspaper.’ You are good people, and there is no example of Jefferson (the President) being like Azem Hajdari.” The Chronicler

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