. The struggle between the political parties, which has been escalating in recent months, is taking the form of street clashes. These tensions hinder the achievement of stability, which our crisis-stricken economy needs, and the protection of national interests, which have been placed under threat. It is time to reflect with a heightened sense of responsibility on future developments. One of the main causes of the increased tensions is the corruption charge and the arrest of Socialist Party chairman Fatos Nano. The Socialist Party gives in to political passions when it prejudicially takes its chairman under its protection. The truth is always hidden deep. In any case, only judges have the right to clear an individual of an accusation. The Socialist Party decided to escalate the political struggle, leave Parliament and boycott local government, but it was announced that the removal of Fatos Nano’s mandate was being sought. The issue of one individual, whoever he may be, cannot be weighed against the fate of the country. Only an African tribe could go to total war over its chief. The Socialist Party decided to escalate “the war by every means permitted by democracy.” In a country exhausted to the point of collapse by political wars, if you sow the wind you will reap the storm. Aggressive rallies, demonstrations of force, calls of “Party-Enver” and other cries of terrorist hysteria will awaken in the people the natural instinct of self-defence against revanchist forces seeking a return to the past. By leaving Parliament, the Socialist Party will lose the opportunity to oppose those laws that it believes do not protect its electorate. The electorate that chose Socialist MPs as representatives of its interests has the right to accuse them of abandoning their duty. If the Socialists withdraw on the pretext that Parliament has agreed to enter a contest in the arena of democracy, they still cannot escape the charge of abandoning their duty. It is not only up to you to choose the field and conditions of the struggle. The Socialist Party threatens to boycott local government. With the Socialists boycotting it, in most cases local government is deprived of the ability to make decisions with a two-thirds majority and, in part, even with a one-half majority. If all Socialist councillors abandon their duty to the people because of Nano, local government will be paralysed. The intention to cause paralysis and severe administrative anarchy is clear, something from which the Socialists cannot expect the people to prosper. Until now they had presented themselves as standard-bearers for the formation of local government. If they take this step, democracy will find a way to resolve the problem. (Continued on page 2)

Leaflets at midnight Representatives of three districts in the city of Berat informed ATSH that during the night of 31 July 1993, illegal groups had left a multi-page leaflet entitled “Berati” at the doors of many residents, mainly members and supporters of the DP, representatives of local government and law-enforcement agencies. This leaflet contains material with communist threats and insults directed at people and the constitutional order. It expresses support for the PS chairman, Fatos Nano, and arbitrarily links the PS with calls for people holding different political views to confront one another. Many people have described the distribution of the leaflets as a psychological violation of their lives and homes, and their distribution and contents as anti-democratic.

In an exclusive interview in the Albanian press, Ramiz Alia, former president of Albania, now under house arrest on charges of economic abuses, admits that he was and remains loyal to the dictator Hoxha. Alia says that he was not the only one loyal to Enver Hoxha. “We managed to see only what he had done well, and we had done something good.” The former communist president Ramiz Alia suggests that Enver Hoxha’s legacy deserves a deeper and more careful historical analysis than it has received to date: “Did he make mistakes?” Alia answers, “Yes, but I cannot agree with those who want to destroy everything that belongs to him and that

Nexhmije Hoxha, the widow of the dictator Hoxha, has requested to be transferred from Tirana prison, where she is currently held. First, she requested a transfer to the women’s prison, a facility on the outskirts of Tirana. The true reasons for her wish are not yet known. Vjushja Hoxha is now the only woman in Tirana prison. But that does not mean her cell is not special. In a separate section on the prison’s second floor, a large room has been reserved for her, among the other rooms, which traditionally have been used only for detained women. Nevertheless, her request is unlikely to be taken into consideration and ... an appeal to the chairman of the commission ... Such a fabricated story can only call for his condemnation. First, why do they call themselves intellectuals, Dr. Lakrori, simply because they have a degree? He is eighty and an intellectual, but they will assign him that another time. The second question is whether our two esteemed Doctors, indeed very esteemed, were beaten and threatened. If this is true, it is naturally serious. But the truth, fortunately for the Albanian intelligentsia and unfortunately for our Doctors, is quite different. The truth is that the deputies were hit and threatened; as for the interview with the car, one of them was run over. (One of the shepherds says that it was the best-smelling goat in their flock.) It is unclear whether Dr. Alfred Paloka or Dr. Mago Lakrori was driving the car, and whether the Doctors had a licence to drive. In any case, the damage was done. The goat was killed on the spot. Immediately afterwards, the villagers asked the deputies, who are also Doctors (without knowing they were dealing with Doctors and MPs), to pay for the goat’s loss in cash as soon as the damage was established. The villagers asked the deputies for no less than 20,000 old lekë. The deputies refused. Then the quarrel broke out. “Not me, you.” “But it was my goat, it was your car.” In the end, Doctors Paloka and Lakrori produced their MP identification cards. The villagers were frightened by them and [unclear] their goats. A matter of goats. Note: This article, prepared by the editor, is based on the testimony of one of the affected shepherds.

Just one week was enough to remind us, in the fullest way, of the dictatorship’s savagery and vindictive nature, its rivalry, its language of venom. Throughout this week, the people of the dictatorship took to the streets with the ferocity of rats. Slogans such as “Down with the fascists,” “Party-Enver,” etc. filled the streets of Tirana and were also published in the newspaper “Zëri i Popullit.” Leaflets were distributed clandestinely in Tirana and the districts. PS MPs Kastriot Islami, Gramoz Ruçi, Namik Dokle and others, at the head of 200–300 extremists, provoked the citizens of Tirana in the vilest way. From the rostrum of the People’s Assembly and later through the newspaper, the intellectual Kastriot Islami threatened: “We will crush your skulls, we will drag you away.” Another intellectual, Moikom Zeqo, a former senior PPSH official, declared in Durrës that “the Ballaballers defeated the Ballists once” (which means Moikomi and what he represents) “we must defeat them again, wipe them out.” Just as the message of reconciliation of Mukje is being discussed—an ideal betrayed by Enver Hoxha, at the behest of the Yugoslavs—the Socialist Party and its propaganda are formulating, in the fullest terms, ideas of fratricide and calling for civil war. This is a very high price to pay for the same people who justify the former dictatorship. Precisely when the wounds of the 50-year fratricidal war have not yet healed, the henchmen of the Party of Labour, the party that bears the name Socialist, are reappearing with a new strategy and aggressiveness. Its leaders and the PS, the sons of those criminal fathers, remind us today of their fathers, their monstrous crimes, and threaten to drag us away. They threaten our freedom, the freedom they took from us by violence and force. They threaten our peace, the peace they barbarically destroyed; they threaten our lives, the lives they criminally ruined. They threaten today’s state, the state we are trying to build. Faced with this aggressiveness, today’s state

Dr. Maqo Lakrori and Dr. Alfred Paloka ran over a goat The interview with Dr. Maqo Lakrori and Dr. Alfred Paloka in “Zëri i Popullit,” three days ago, was accompanied by a special notice stating: “Tomorrow you will read that two MPs have been attacked” (referring to the two Doctors mentioned above). It was indeed disturbing that the notice said the MPs had been attacked and threatened, as was their interview, given the already tense current climate. The hatred directed at the two MPs, regardless of which party they belong to, is entirely condemnable and alarming. We certainly disagree with the politicized conclusion and the warning that they are in imminent danger; the explanation is very simple, indeed almost banal: the two Doctor-MPs were indeed stopped by unknown persons, but the reason was that the car they were travelling in encountered a herd of goats and, through the driver’s carelessness, one of the goats was run over. (One of the shepherds says it was the best Paloka or Dr. Maqo Lakrori was driving, or whether the Doctors themselves had been driving the car. In any case, the damage was done.

In Search of the Revanchists The former persecuted man had taken refuge, and we were going to visit him. The man who was waiting for us, a tall man, undoubtedly gray-haired, welcomed us in front of the house the new democratic government had given him. Suddenly, for his merits—or, more precisely, for the hardships he had endured under the communist dictatorship,

The era of major tourist projects has begun in Albania, too. The contract for starting work on the first tourist village to be built in Ksamil will be signed soon. The project has been undertaken by the Italian-Albanian joint company “Shqipëria Turistike Sarandë” and will cost 30 billion lire. It will also be financed by the World Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Work will begin in September.

A special case in Pukë (the northeastern region of Albania). Although there is only one judge in this area, in 40 days he has tried more than 70 cases. Judge Fatmir Hoxha says: “Three or four cases are heard in court. In most cases, the matters being tried concern resolving the problem of infringement of land ownership, establishing the fact of an extrajudicial killing, the confiscations made from citizens during the communist dictatorship, as well as recognition of private property rights.” In other cases, court rulings involve even more judges. There is only one judge in this area, and in 40 days he has tried more than 70 cases. Judge Fatmir Hoxha says: “Three or four cases are heard in court. In most cases, the matters being tried concern resolving the problem of infringement of land ownership, establishing the fact of an extrajudicial killing, the confiscations made from citizens during the communist dictatorship, as well as recognition of private property rights.” A special case in Pukë... (the northeastern region of Albania). Although there is only one judge in this area, property rights.”

The former persecuted man had taken refuge, and we were going to visit him. going to visit him. going to visit him. The man in front of his house, which the new democratic government had given him. Naturally, for his merits—or, more precisely, for the terrible things he had suffered under the communist dictatorship. “Here, this is my villa!” he said with a smile. “At last we have power...!” A soldier with a weapon was there, about twenty meters away, and, according to the opposition, we were supposed to believe this was a new guard, made up of the new blocmen. A large dog lay in the yard, and the European-minded owner did not pet it, as though it had lived drowsily in the old Bloc. I had heard that such dogs are very widespread. He smiled at all the gentlemen who inhabited the villas of the privileged in the same way. We went inside and sat down. The sitting room was very plain. “Renovations” had been made to the villa, and two walls had not yet been whitewashed. A picture frame hung on one of the walls. He was curious about the details. People who repeatedly invite power back know how to play with photographs! “All these are Kaloshë,” said the owner of the “villa.” “My maternal uncle, my paternal uncle, my two first cousins, my two brothers—all of them, you don’t know them. They were taken by Enver!” On the chest of drawers were three more picture frames, and in them there appeared the dead: four, five, three, and others, all killed by the dictatorship, all of them... None of them is alive, and we don’t know where any of them is buried... “Why should we talk any longer? Why?” Xhevdet Kaloshi nevertheless says that the bad things are behind us. Only good things lie ahead. For everyone. “Look, I’m doing well now,” he adds.

“A tree is known by its fruits. Spawn of vipers! How can you speak well when you are evil?” An interview with the literary scholar Mr. Aurel Plasari, editor-in-chief of Zëri i Rinisë, has become the target of a campaign conducted openly in the newspapers ZP. An interview with the literary scholar Mr. Aurel Plasari, editor-in-chief of Zëri i Rinisë, has become the target of a campaign carried out openly in the newspapers ZP. Both Koçi Petriti, Dean of the Faculty of History and Philology, and Plasari, as vice-dean, have been attacked by the Alliance. The aforementioned newspapers had undertaken to make many of these attacks of its “ftika” fall on their author, as expressed by both sides. A paradoxical agreement to ... the newspapers’ criticism. This has been the newspaper that to this day holds the record for newspapers published outside... As for the newspaper Aleanca, Mr. Ardan Beli? Klosi, from a “literary and critical position” narrowly, Mr. Plasari, who have a ... What? The magazine Germarmiu where it is printed, for this lack of that time from Zëri i Rinisë and ZP. ... The Underground Academy BARDHYL MATRAXHIU A synthesis of the literary revolution developed over these three years and a harsh accusation concerning the cultural and scientific crimes of Hoxha, Alia, and their pen-wielding collaborators. This interview, which should be considered a manifesto, raises above all the question of the moral and administrative condemnation of the authors of cultural genocide and the need to deepen reform in all our cultural and scientific institutions. Over the past three years, it has become entirely clear here that Albania has other cultural and scientific institutions underground. This is Albania’s Underground Academy. Its members are skeletons covered with brambles, with mud, with its mud. While the body of the chairman of the Red Academy of Sciences lies buried for ceremonies in Tirana, in the graves of their families the bones of Nosi, Haxhiademi, Gurmazi, Kazazi, and others are still threatened. This happens in every city. But Mr. Plasari is speaking not so much about their physical memory as about the worth of their works. Thus, the Underground Academy can include those who were declared dead, but ... institutions. That which ... has continued for ten years. Such a cultural model would be erased, but before our eyes it would show its face. That ... institutions. That which ... face. That ... ... and his work was ... Those who escaped physical punishment but were considered dead in Albania. Here I would single out the great scientific and literary trio Kolqi, Camaj, Pipa, and dozens of others such as Zavalani, Skëndi, Logoreci, etc. When Albanian students and pupils become acquainted with their work, many members of the Red Academy of ... will then appear as ... The members of ... also belong to the Underground Academy. In taking stock of this cultural genocide, Mr. Plasari does not intend to demand an accounting from the executioners of the dictatorship. That is not a scholar’s task. He demands an accounting from those who ... persecuted and erased their works, who imprisoned and killed Thought. Drejulli has explained that one of the aims of the totalitarian state is precisely the falsification of the past. In such states, history is not written; it is created, and even shaped to suit the dictator’s personal tastes and preferences. Thus in Albania, to impoverish creators and their works, to justify the red terror, and to legitimize isolation from the world, other scientific institutions were created, which would later be corrected by the academy. This living Academy of crimes was directly ... from the Hoxha-Alia leadership. The history of Albania and the history of literature were no different from the history of the Party; indeed, it had been put on display. For translating the second part of “Don Quixote,” he deserved laurels on his head; in Tirana they considered him a psychopath. He would seek refuge with the state only when he entered the embassy in July 1990. Thus, the list of these intellectuals who, although not physically eliminated, entered the Albanian Underground Academy would be long. ... Baba Çeni’s fantasies also had a great influence. These are the true creators of Albania’s history. Aleks Buda was merely an intermediary, a connecting link between this clique and the workers of science. Such a falsified history can only deserve condemnation. The duty of cleansing thought, truth, and the work of the Underground Academy has been carried out very well by the Red Academy of Albanian Sciences. Its most active part, which gained positions and privileges, made up the Thought Police. They published normative texts, controlled and censored everything. Thus was created Unit 326 of Albanian science, the ... of thought. But the crime of this unit is not only incorrect writing, but also concrete: collaboration with the Security Directorate and the dictatorship in spying on and physically and morally destroying underground academics. There are many cases in which academics and poets, before becoming scholars, began their careers as witnesses and informers against intellectuals. Teki and ... were accused ... (continued on page 2)

The madwoman N. from Tirana shouted loudly on Sunday afternoon in “Skënderbej” Square: “Prison is for men!” If the Socialist Party agrees to put Fatos in prison, I am ready to go in. But I am ready to go to prison for Ramiz Alia’s son, for Ramiz Alia himself, and for Hajdin Sejdiu too. Only let Fatos get out of prison and Democracy be saved, let national interests be saved. The avalanche has started! Did you see the huge avalanche in Peshkopi? Ruci has gone to Skrapar to mobilize forces. Civil war is at the doorstep. My 80-year-old father has gone missing. I appeal to everyone who has seen him to tell me about my father. We were together at the Tirana rally. Now I want my father. You too, Moikom Zeqo, can find my father for me. Përparim Xhixha from “Zëri i Popullit” can’t find him for me. Did you hear what Moikom said in Durrës? “We will defeat the Ballists again! The Ballists were defeated once and for all. We will exterminate them a second time,” said Moikom Zeqo. It really was Moikom, but he had robot hair and a European socialist look. Dokle has also taken off the clothes of a socialist; Gramoz Ruçi is still wearing his in Tirana. New suits are being prepared. No tailor can find an SS uniform for Kastriot Islami. Kastriot Islami has been seen erecting gallows at Varri i Bamit. He will hang the democrats and the Ballists there, after dragging them along. Comrade Sevet Pëllumbi is calmer than Brokaj. Brokaj has nothing to do with the theft of the supplies that came from France. His secretary has nothing to do with them either. Socialists don’t steal aid. Fatmir Kumbaro will set up a television studio from Tirana Prison. “We’ll save your castles,” the madwoman shouted, “we’ll take your shoes off your feet. Ha ha ha!” Nano has asked for a priest in prison. Dokle went to him instead of the priest. The erection of gallows continues in the district. I can’t tell you where Ramiz Alia’s son is now, or whether he has met with Hajdin Sejdiu. Aranit Çela will be released from prison tomorrow. Ramiz Alia has ordered the establishment of a special court headed by Aranit Çela. Aranit Çela’s deputy will once again be the aged zornisha Koçi. Al will testify about cohabitation with Çela. Mehmet Shehu and Gramoz Ruçi are declared permissible. Civil war is at the doorstep, and you can see how Namik Dokle and Kastriot Islami are being raised up in it; only Ruçi keeps them away from me.

- Did a file on the movement of the gold exist? - Half the debts were created by currency exchange dealings. - At a time when “not only physically, but not even in the accounts, are there 100,000 dollars in Albania,” R. Alia makes the trip to Helsinki in a private plane. Interview with the former Secretary-General of the Council of Ministers, Mr. Teodor Kareco

The European Community faces Greek politicians and officials. In which places in Greece is Albanian spoken? Page 3