[Satirical illustration; inscription on the cap: KOSHEV?]

US Secretary of State Warren Kristofer issued another threatening warning to the president of Serbia, reminding him of the possibility of NATO air intervention to stop any Serbian attempt to seize the capital of Bosnia, Sarajevo. “We have said it, and we will say once again what the consequences of this seizure are,” Mc Curry said.

Germany will take possession next July of all the Nazi archives that the American authorities have kept in Berlin since the end of the Second World War. The transfer will take place when the last American soldiers based in Berlin leave the city after a half-century presence. The archives, discovered in 1945, contain almost all the documents of members of the former Nazi Party (NSDAP), the SA, a Nazi militia disbanded in 1934, documents of the Nazi SS militia and the Waffen-SS, special military units, as well as the archives of the Nazi people’s courts and various Hitlerite organizations, along with correspondence of former leaders of the Third Reich. Over the last decades, access to these materials has been reserved only for judges handling the trials of former Nazis and for researchers. From now until July 1994, the American authorities want to complete the copying of 30 million documents onto microfilm and send them to Washington.

Sabri Godo in Tepelenë, Gjirokastër and Përmet Godo comments on the Greek issue, Bullatoviç’s visit to Tirana, Rexhep Qosja’s latest interview, and other current affairs On October 18–19, the steering committees of the Tepelenë, Gjirokastër and Përmet branches met. The chairman of the Republican Party, Mr. Sabri Godo, and a member of the Steering Committee, Mr. Dalip Greca, also took part. In recent months, the steering committee in Tepelenë has not functioned normally because the chairman and several members left to take up other duties. Mr. Qazim Sheme, a poet and journalist, was elected chairman on an interim basis. The new steering committee will be elected at the district conference, which will be held by December 15. Those present criticized the fact that the committee’s work had been left to languish for several months; the Central Office also bears responsibility for this shortcoming. At the steering council in Gjirokastër, which was also attended by guests, the meeting opened with a statement by the branch chairman, Mr. Dhimitër Shoni, who presented several complaints and uncertainties concerning the Albanian state’s position toward the minority. Mr. Dhimitër asked to be relieved of his duties as branch chairman. During the discussion, it emerged that the council shared a high regard for Mr. Dhimitër’s honesty, sincerity and strong will, but that he had expressed himself in interpreting certain matters. The council discussed the state of the country and relations with other political forces at length and freely. In his remarks, Mr. Godo gave several instructions regarding the National Conference of Republican Women, to be held on November 12–13, and the National Conference of Republican Youth in December. These should in no way be viewed as organizations of ... (Continued on page 4)

The Government of Japan has granted Albania a loan of 2 billion and 166 million yen (20 million dollars). The loan is offered on very favorable terms (at an interest rate of 1 percent and with a repayment period of 30 years, beginning in 2003) and will be used to implement the adjustment program undertaken by the Albanian democratic government in the agricultural sector in cooperation with the World Bank.

Excuse me, a question: Arben Popoci At first, Rexhep Qosja’s open letter to Berisha was taken as criticism by an intellectual of the head of state, intended to tell him the things that he considered his intellectual duty and a matter of conscience. He has said them, and the politician accepts the intellectual’s criticism and advice; he is not dependent on the intellectual. It is clear from the interviews that he no longer hopes his words will reach the President’s ears. To whom does ... That is to say, Qosja is against Berisha. But whom does Qosja support? He does not support himself, since he has declared that he will not engage in politics. He makes no declaration in favor of the other politicians (except Rugova).

2 million offered on highly and will serve to regulate the agricultural sector, in cooperation with the World Bank. Despite the preliminary work on the return and compensation of properties, the relevant commission at the Tepelenë District Council has not yet made any decision. Inquiries with this commission indicate that the failure of the Commission to make decisions is directly related to the lack of documentation submitted so far. The commission reviews applications coming from more than 70 villages and 8 communes of Tepelenë, but, in addition to the gaps in the documentation submitted by those concerned, the poor state of the archives and inherited documentation has undoubtedly also played a part. On the other hand, the return of properties in general is also hindered by the fact that today there is only one judge in Tepelenë. The Editor Announcement On 12 November 1993, the First Congress of the Albanian Republican Women's Forum will be held in Durrës.

Rexhep Qosja’s open letter to Berisha was initially taken as criticism by an intellectual of the head of state, telling him things that he considered an intellectual obligation and a matter of conscience. Rexhep Qosja’s open letter to Berisha was initially state, telling him things that he considered an intellectual obligation and a matter of conscience. He said them not in a letter, but in a few words, and wrote in favor of one and the other. The most unexpected aspect of the subsequent reactions was the attempt to deny Qosja the right to address the President with an open letter and, at the same time, to deny the President the right to reply. The contents of all the “correspondence” have become known to the public, so let us set that aside this time. Qosja’s accusations continue; those from the first letters are repeated and expanded further. How should this constant pressure that Qosja is putting on Berisha be understood? One cannot say that he is still offering criticism. An intellectual says once what he has to say, and whether the politician accepts the criticism and advice does not depend on the intellectual. It is clear from his interviews that he does not hope his words will reach the President’s ears. Whom is Qosja addressing? He is addressing the entire Albanian people. That is, he wants to strip the President of the support he has, within the limits of his influence, of course; and it is not true that Qosja has no influence on public opinion, as “RD” writes. So what follows from this? Qosja is seeking the President’s resignation; he is also calling for new elections. But he does not say this anywhere; he skillfully conceals it like a politician and does not state it plainly, as an intellectual would. It is clear that his interviews in “Aleanca” and “Koha Jonë” are not simply interviews. Not a single question about the other parties, not a single question about other personalities: everything is about Berisha and around Berisha, with even the DP left aside. That is, Qosja is against Berisha. But whom does Qosja support? Not in politics. He makes no declaration for or against the other parties (except Rugova). That is, Qosja is not interested in who should be at the head of the state, as long as it is not Berisha. In other words, it all seems personal rather than principled. Indeed, Qosja has expressed support for one politician. He was considered a politician committed to peaceful democratization, whom years ago he even called a “prophet of democracy.” But he does not say that Ramiz Alia would have his support as President; he only wants him released. Or perhaps here too Qosja sees his aim indirectly, responding with a newspaper page about the tragedy of this prisoner—does Alia’s case reveal who stands to benefit?

Vienna resembles a rare book which, once you have read it, you cannot describe in words. If, out of sheer enthusiasm, you try to do so, all you have done is recreate, just for yourself, the emotions and impressions you experienced while reading it or becoming closely acquainted with it. This means that the great city must either be read or seen. Besides this, it seems that it has now begun to present itself as a stereotypical account of “travel healing.” For a city, this is most of what Albanians, like many others around the world, are now living through. Vienna, in particular, is like that, in Greek too, and there is nothing but to surrender to it in every respect, even if only for a couple of words. Vienna has been shaped as a city by its own effort to let one see something of an aromatic Austro-Viennese character. First of all, Vienna is a European place, but this city resembles none of the other cities of European countries. Vienna is the capital of Europe’s former empire. In 1918, after the First World War, the city was the capital of Austria-Hungary. In 1967? “The history of Vienna” is unlike that of other cities. Everything created to write and bring together in one place has made it what it is, in these words: the history of Vienna. Vienna and the Albanian bunkers in its center Many people will be surprised, and may think we are simply inventing a newspaper story, to learn that an Albanian bunker has also been built in the center of Vienna. Do not be surprised! It is a real bunker, made of concrete and iron to the highest quality standards. It differs in only two small ways from the hundreds of thousands of bunkers built in Albania. It has no embrasures and, above all, it is not built underground. This bunker has planted its feet on the second floor of our embassy’s premises. It was built years ago by the Albanian communists, not to open fire on Vienna, but to provide the party with secret protection. The bunker should not be confused with the secret rooms found in every embassy. There is a secret room in Vienna too. The bunker is something entirely different. Imagine for a moment the party members who came from the Albanian embassies in neighboring countries. They would all gather and enter the bunker to listen to the “secrets of the party.” Though it looks tragicomic, the bunker casts a menacing shadow, because someone has kept it surrounded. For years it kept all the embassy staff and the communists arriving from neighboring embassies in a state of terror. Especially the Albanians. This is the very first thing in this bunker, once the regime had gone, that created a bunker for them. “A house should be like a small city, otherwise it is not really a house; and a city should be like a large house, otherwise it is not really a city.” Aldo Fon.Eyck, 1959 Eighteen employees worked at our embassy in Vienna. Most of them were State Security personnel who supervised and monitored for two or three years. Until the day they left the embassy, they had been one with the bunker. More precisely, they could not be conceived of separately from one another. When they left, suddenly it was: “We are here, we’ll be back...” (.) They left, and left the bunker there on the second floor. Besides the bunker, they also left the embassy a debt of 1 million dollars. Dollars they had poured out like water to distribute Enver Hoxha’s works and for countless orgies. The young people who have now arrived in Vienna are obliged to settle and pay for everything. They have to pay off the debts and rent for several years. But above all, they have to demolish the bunker. That is the hardest job they have to do. Albert Alçka, an energetic 31-year-old man, is our Ambassador in Vienna. He does not like people talking too much about what has been done. Because, however easy it may be to face it, nothing can be undone. The question is: what should be done? The embassy staff is small, much smaller than it used to be. It is also small in comparison with other embassies. Let us recall, for example, that the Malaysian embassy had eight people in its economic section alone. Almost as many as the Malaysian embassy has—its economic section had eight. In any case, the Albanian young men have started working. The bunker left behind by the IKESIT is enormous. Berisha’s vitality and Ramiz Alia’s impotence Among other things, Vienna is one of the three seats of the United Nations and the world’s most popular venue for major conferences. On 7 and 8 October, a high-level meeting of the Council of Europe on national minority rights and the new European order was held in the massive UN building, the “Austria International Center” (Vienna International Center). For the Albanian representatives, this was the second high-level encounter with the Council of Europe in a short time. With very few exceptions, delegations from various countries were headed by heads of state or government. The Albanian delegation, led by President Berisha, arrived in Vienna on the evening of 6 October. The following day, after the opening address by Austrian Prime Minister Vranicki, the President of Albania was given the floor. In less than 10 minutes, the Albanian head of state gave an overview of Albania, focusing mainly on the rights enjoyed by the Greek minority in Albania. In keeping with the central idea of the meeting—that the rights of national minorities should in the future be included as part of human rights—Berisha stated that the Greek minority in Albania enjoys and has enjoyed full rights, in some respects more than the Albanians themselves, something that generally does not happen in other countries. The Albanian President’s speech was very well received by the participants at the round table. It was surprising that it had been abandoned (continued on page 4)

After searching in vain in the usual places, even in front of the Academy of Sciences, the chronicler happened by chance on Wednesday morning to notice an unusual goods advertisement in the New Bazaar. “Beard business! Buy beards. It’s a time for business and love—as the poet-deputy has said!” a sharp female voice kept calling out, and it seemed familiar to the chronicler. Not to grow a beard, but driven by professional instinct, he went closer. It really was HER. She had hung portraits on a wall of Marx, Baba Faja Martaneshi, Lenin, Babe Dudin Karbunare, Haxhi Shih Mani, and Fidel Castro. “Come on, gentlemen, buy magical beards. They make you more handsome, turn you into philosophers, academics, even patriots. Buy a beard, sir, for just a little money, and perhaps the magic will make you look like one and turn you into a patriot. Would you like went closer. turn you into a patriot.” “I suffer neither from hypermetropia nor from ‘magnus delphus,’ as some beardless individuals write. What matters is that the people everywhere welcome my speeches and agencies. Only I, with my beard, know what the people want and think. I know this because I have a beard. I know all about the year before last myself. I know how contemporary life is going and what the admirers are judging. Contemporary life demands that we release Alia, Nano, and Beqiri. They have committed a new kind of crime: ‘the good of release.’ How do you know what is good for Ramiz?... You have no beard. I alone know where Ali took the money, but the future won’t let me tell Qosja. My purpose is to release them for the sake of the imperialist-revisionist encirclement. National unity is in danger. I need Nano to bring about unity with Greece. We need the Ramizes and the academics to fight the Serbs. We will form the Fifth Division again. At its head, Ramzi will march to liberate Kosovo from the Kosovars. We don’t want to leave Çamëria to Greece, nor even the south. I have heard of Islam, who wants to free it. He has no beard, but we’ll give him one. There is no imam without a beard. Kosovo wants a real imam who will march like Slobodan, but in Albanian. I will play the chairman. I am like Ramzi and Kuisilan. Buy the beards of aristocrats. Long live Vladimir Ilyich, Tajan! Long live Josif Vissarionovich Stalin! Glory to the age of beards. Where will I get seventy from the future and academic lessons to take to Vienna? That’s how much these... beards have agreed to accept me for.” Chronicler

Today, at 11:00, at the “Ali Kelmendi” Palace of Culture, Messrs. Ceka, Imami, and Ngjela will hold a press conference about the results of their meetings in Belgrade.

No decision on the return and