Your Congress is an event with a profound impact on the life of the country. For nearly two years, the Democratic Party, which heroically led the struggle to overthrow communism, has borne the heavy responsibility of governing the country. Raising it from the ruins, the free-market economy is laying its foundations; the Government has now drawn up a program, and nothing will stop Albania’s progress. This is what is desired, and this determination is the greatest story. As a nation living in Europe, we must adapt to the conditions of the continent; otherwise, we will suffer for a long time from redivit. The conferences in the first round with your Congress, and the speech delivered today by Mr. Eduard Selami, demonstrated the Democratic Party’s ability to correct those mistakes that may be considered understandable when one system is surrounded and another is being established. We are dealing with a complex and difficult process, which other people began decades before us and therefore cannot say they have completed. The difficulties of our young democracy are made even more pronounced by the fierce social-communist opposition, which has at times resorted to destabilizing attacks and lies in dark ambushes. This danger is not as real as it may seem: they are defending themselves, while the Albanian people are looking ahead. Nevertheless, this danger can be limited through the joint action of democratic forces, which is not as effective as desired, either in the governing coalition or in party alliances. At the same time, it can be said that communism will be rolled back from Albania to the same extent that democracy develops. The establishment of democracy depends on how one understands it, or on how one’s interests dictate it. We must not allow this. But here too there must be a common struggle and patience, because one neither learns to be a democrat nor becomes one in just two years. The Republican Party has the recognition and return of property in its program. We are convinced that without freeing up property, a stable foundation for individual initiative cannot develop—which would mean unleashing the energies of the entire country. We have reservations about your party’s economic policy, particularly the law on land. But democracy is beautiful precisely because it allows everyone’s convictions to be discussed within legal and constitutional norms. Finally, this does not prevent us at all from being friends, as I heard Mr. Meksi also say at the Tirana Conference. I will add that we have been fellow travelers of the democratic camp since the early days of January 1991, and we will continue to remain so. We want to continue cooperating in solving economic problems, in and outside the Government, for fair and rapid privatization, for putting factories that can operate back to work, for increasing national production, without which seeking a way out of the crisis is futile, for

The Association of Albanian Emigrants, with 200 members, has been operating in Milan since 1992. “The need to have an organization to protect emigrants and foster relations with the Albanian state led to the association’s creation,” says the association’s chairman, Adnan Kopliku, an engineer by profession, whom ATSH correspondent in Rome, Ilir Guraquqi, interviewed. Although it is new, the Association’s activities during its first year of work have been quite extensive. I can say that, in addition to increasing the number of members, cooperation has been established with several Italian organizations. On the other hand, links have been established with Albanian bodies, such as the Albanian embassy, the Foreign Trade [institution] and other institutions. Albanian emigrants have been helped with guidance on their lives and on laws in Italy. Association branches are being opened in Turin and Florence. So, we can say that the Association’s results this year have mainly helped create trust among Albanians in Italian and Albanian organizations.

Only 1 billion dollars in aid from the European Community has come into Albania, Deputy Minister of Economy Gjergji Konda told the Albanian section of the BBC. Only 1 billion dollars in aid from the European Community has come into Albania, Deputy Minister of Economy Gjergji Konda told the Albanian section of the BBC, thereby contradicting the statement made by AD MP and former Deputy Prime Minister in the Government of Stability, Gramoz Pashko, in the newspaper “Koha Jonë,” that 2.5 billion dollars had entered Albania to date. Konda also stressed that it is up to the current Albanian government to explain how this sum of 1 billion dollars has been used.

The Deputy Chairman of the Democratic League of Kosovo, Dr Fehmi Agani, responding to a question from a “Rilindja” journalist about how he viewed the article in “Koha Jonë” by Frrok Çupi concerning the circumstances in Kosovo, which was also published by several Serbian newspapers, said: In response to a question from a “Rilindja” journalist about how he viewed the article in the newspaper “Koha Jonë” by Frrok Çupi concerning the circumstances in Kosovo, which was also published by several Serbian newspapers, the Deputy Chairman of the Democratic League of Kosovo, Dr Fehmi Agani, said: “As an article, it is good and not only that, but also shameful, with a great deal of ambiguity, improvisation and ignorance of the situation in Kosovo at every level. Nevertheless, this article, considering the audience it was given by the Serbian newspapers, was not written without a specific purpose, following a visit by the Democratic Alliance to Belgrade and the political and diplomatic ceremony, with its transparent aims, accorded to this delegation. It can be said that the article reflects the position of Albania’s Democratic Alliance and Serbia’s Socialist Party on Kosovo. “If Çupi’s writing is considered realistic, as the author claims, then,” Agani stressed, “that realism is the realism of accepting capitulation and defeat, which has nothing whatsoever to do with the circumstances in Kosovo, because our people have long since freed themselves from such realism.”

“A Balkan electricity network without Greece,” says an article in “Kathimerini.” Among other things , a direct connection between Albania’s electricity grid and the European electricity network would, among other things, make it possible

Observation The three-part program to date, entitled “The Missing,” is a necessary attempt to take an X-ray of the dictatorship. But precisely because it is such an attempt, it calls for candid interpretation: hatred alone is not enough; real talent, profound knowledge and an extraordinary archive are needed to produce a strikingly realistic interpretation of the dictatorship. Although the three installments contain moving and well-executed moments, it must be said that the third installment in particular is affected by several significant weaknesses. The authors have not delved deeply into the analysis and the discovery of the [unclear]. Since it is a court hearing—naturally, a fragment—they presented before the public a defendant who appears to be compromising himself, who confesses and comes to be judged, apparently justly, by the verdict. Such a portrayal conceals the communist crime and defends the dictatorship’s judicial system, along with its entire apparatus, because it lacks commentary and an explanation of the [unclear] nature of the defendant’s statements, extracted through violence and operational schemes that inevitably led a person to prison, including the planning of arrests. If this subject were to be tackled, it would merit a separate installment; otherwise, the idea of the entire program is completely at risk. Also, the subject involving those individuals whom the court’s ruling or the Sigurimi drove into such a position is indeed appealing to artists, but certainly not in a program that leaves the person’s [unclear] on display; even more so, setting it in a hospital environment compromises the subject. The audience… (continued on page 4)

Naturally, as a man who knows God, the law and the economy, and consequently politics, my old friend Spartak Ngjela presented interesting ideas in “Political Doctrine,” published in one of the latest issues of “Aleances”. Mr. Ngjela, in his “Political Doctrine,” expresses concern about certain shortcomings or phenomena observed in current politics, which may be considered more as recurrences of the previous system. Mr. Ngjela draws comparisons with that system and seeks to highlight a certain connection between these negative phenomena in today’s politics and those adopted by E Hoxha during his rule, and even earlier in history. With a clear and sound understanding of the essence of democracy, in the “Doctrine” every idea he puts forward—whether about the future course politics should take or the measures that need to be adopted to emerge from the present situation—is fundamentally grounded in a liberal stance toward the individual, which can uproot the collectivist mindsets inherited from the past: “Democracy is not a harmony that comes from commands, but a harmony that comes from the law.” Mr. Ngjela gives this program concrete form through seven measures, which will help us overcome the crucial moment at which we emerge from “totalitarian decadence.” Perhaps because he is a lawyer, as many as seven of his aforementioned points concern improving the legal system; another concerns legislating university autonomy, which is entirely right and feasible; one point calls for unrestricted freedom of the press; while point four calls for decentralization of state power and absolute autonomy for local government. I think the last of these is worth pausing to discuss. Now, following the overthrow of the communist dictatorship, we find ourselves at a crucial moment, at a decisive turning point, as a result of which we will set out on the road toward a market economy and toward governance in a state governed by the rule of law, which will first ensure the transition to a market economy and then its functioning. The idea of a decentralized state system is entirely sound; ultimately, it is always an indicator of the degree of democracy. But for now, as we stand at the beginning of the road toward achieving the aims mentioned above, at an extremely difficult moment when we lack both maps and fuel, decentralizing state power would cause chaos (also taking into account our people’s lack of experience with a democratic system). As a result, given the uncertainty surrounding the elections, we would be more likely to be delayed or not reach our desired destination; instead, the creation of anarchy would create the conditions for a dictatorship to be established. The principal enemy of the democratic system during this transition period consists of the triad: a difficult economic situation, social tensions, and public-order security. All three factors are closely connected to one another, each being both a consequence and a cause of the others. For example, a difficult economic situation increases social tensions, exacerbating the situation in the country and creating insecurity, which hinders the normal development of economic activity. Of the three factors mentioned above, the one that is entirely in our hands is the third: ensuring public order (continued on page 3)

The electrical cable connection between Albania and Italy is being watched jealously Among other things, it says that the Albanian government is completing the electrical cable connection via Elatinë, which has been viewed with great concern by Greece’s Ministry of Industry and the Electricity Company (DEI). A direct connection between Albania and the European electricity network would, among other things, give Turkey the opportunity to advance its electrical connection with Europe through our northern neighbour rather than through Greece, as the annual Community plan had envisaged. 603,000 emigrants in Greece These days, the Greek press published a statistic on the total number of emigrants in Greece, according to which the total number of emigrants in Greece is 603,000. Of these, 436,000 are foreigners and 167,000 are ethnic Greeks. Of the foreigners, 166,000 are legal and 270,000 are illegal. Of the illegal immigrants, 150,000 are Albanians, 30,000 are Poles, 25,000 are Egyptians, 15,000 are Filipinos, and 40,000 are from other countries. The total number of emigrants is also augmented by 3,000 people who have legally been granted the status of “political refugees.” This number of refugees is thought to put Greece on a par with some other European states, such as France, Germany and Belgium, in terms of hosting refugees. The Editor

In recent days, a heated debate took place in our Parliament about the actual dates of the liberation of the territory of the Republic of Albania. The speakers put forward, in their view, arguments for November 28 and 29 as Liberation Day. These arguments were quite forceful and emphatic, and quite bold. Thus, Mr. Moikom Zeqo’s argument for the thesis that November 29 was Liberation Day was that this had also been stated by the world-renowned historian K. Frashëri. Without wishing to enter into this polemic—not because I do not have a definite opinion of my own—I would like to make a few observations. The heated debate in Parliament over the question of the dates of liberation showed once again that even the whole of historical scholarship, along with politicians, leaders and philosophy, is interpreted by historical regimes with the aim of serving their own ideological interests. It is well known that the accounts of the past are conspiratorial, uncited and varied. It becomes a useful form of service, even by chance. To demonstrate the change in the way the history of “History of Albania” has been treated, it is clearly reflected in “History of Albania”. (The two-volume work) reflects very well the anti-Albanian Serbo-Slav theses. And instead of its compilers taking up the task of correcting the crimes committed in the writing of history and explaining why they embraced the anti-Albanian Serbo-Slav theses, they quietly continue their work, as they did when they were the official historiographers of the communist state, when historical facts changed according to the level of relations with Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union, and so on. I refer to “History of Albania”, compiled by the Institute of History, with K. Frashëri among its co-authors, to show that it tells us that the Serbo-Slavs acted against the Albanians. At the outset, it should be stressed that in this period of consolidation and the final struggle for democracy—which was also a struggle for justice for the great damage the communist dictators inflicted on the country and for the deep wounds they left on its body—sadly, almost in silence, the great damage inflicted by our official historiography has been overlooked. The Kosovo cause, as presented by this official historiography of hysteria, was defended by attacking it under the pretext of removing the people from it, in a way detached from the true foundations of Albania’s history. BUJAR HOXHA In the history of Albania and the Albanian nation, communist historiography tried to leave Albanians without historical memory, to divert them from the path of patriotic education of the young, and to implant in them the great ideas of proletarian internationalism, of “revolution and socialism.” The maxim that one cannot serve one’s people without knowing their history well, because history is the teacher of life for the present and the future, is accepted by everyone. On the basis of this truth, the damage caused by our former official historiography must be called by its proper name: crimes. Collective studies would be needed to point out the anti-Albanian Serbo-Slav theses of our former official historiography. I will try to highlight a few of them. Thus, in the first volume of “History of Albania”, on page 146, we read: “The Slavs settled first and foremost in depopulated lands, mainly in the lowland areas, in valleys and hilly regions” (my emphasis, BH). This thesis is not merely an expression of anti-Albanianism in our national historiography, but also in world historiography. All these accounts concern the migrations of barbarian tribes and peoples, among whom the Slavs also played a part, causing destruction and various acts of barbarism, which is why they were called barbarians. Yet, according to “History of Albania”, this truth is partly contradicted by the Slavic tribes that settled, in part, in Albanian lands, such as Dardania, Mat and the area around Shkodra (see the section ‘The Slavic migrations and Slavic colonization in the lands of Albania’). If we accept this absurd logic, we must also accept two equally absurd conclusions that follow from the pernicious anti-Albanian thesis that “the Slavs settled in depopulated lands.” First, the Slavs found their ‘home’ ready for them and used no violence whatsoever to drive out its owners and settle there. Second, it is accepted that later the Albanians came to inhabit the new area of the Balkan state, once again taking the place of the ‘Slavs’. I do not know whether any other history book contains an idea more absurd than this. In this same volume, an effort is made to acknowledge the aggressive role of the Slavic invasions and their ethnic disruption in the Balkans. The problem is that the ‘authors’ of the first volume of “History of Albania” go so far as to formulate and make known the Serbo-Slav thesis of an Illyrian-Slavic “symbiosis” in the sphere of social culture. The text states: “Initially, over a long period, the similar communities (Illyrians and Slavs—B.H.) and the economic and social relations that developed between them mutually influenced one another in the field of material culture. The Slavs, with more advanced agriculture, gave the Illyrians tools and elements of their agricultural culture. Evidence of this influence is provided by the Slavic words in the field of agriculture that entered Albanian over the centuries.” On the other hand, the Illyrians, with a more developed and richer civilization, gave the Slavs, to a limited extent (B.H.’s emphasis), elements of their agricultural culture. During this symbiosis, the two sides influenced each other in the field of social culture. (152) The fabrication of an Illyrian-Slavic symbiosis is evident. The Illyrians and Slavs are presented to us as ‘similar communities’. Their brotherhood is not openly asserted, but that is implied. And there were not, nor are there, any “similarities between communities” among the Illyrians and Slavs, particularly the Serbs. The differences in customs and traditions, and in their spiritual and material cultures, are very apparent. The fact that a few agricultural words have remained in our language cannot be an argument for claiming that the supposedly barbarian Slavic tribes were supposedly more advanced in agriculture. These words are Slavic loanwords. At secondary school I learned that, with the exception of English, our language has more words of Latin origin than other languages, which demonstrates Illyrian-Albanian continuity. The simplest logic cannot accept the thesis of our former official historians that barbarian tribes, who once came from the steppes of Asia, taught a people living between the two most civilized peoples of the time: the Greeks and the Romans. Another persistent distortion of our national history is the repeated treatment of the formation of Albanian statehood, as found in the text of “History of Albania” (Vol. I). To give a complete idea of this issue, I quote what the text says: “All this caused the phenomenon of the formation of the Albanian state, from the mountainous regions into the low-lying valleys of the country, and there (continued on page 4)

Trial against ten former Albanian leaders postponed The trial against ten former senior Albanian leaders, who may be sentenced to ten years in prison because they granted themselves various privileges during the communist era, has been postponed until December 10. The defendants, all former members of the Political Bureau, will be tried on charges of theft and misappropriation of funds

“I am appearing voluntarily for an interpellation,” said the man who had lost his mind, perched on a chair in front of the PS headquarters in Tirana. “You can ask me whatever you like, even about yourselves if you wish. I’m ready. Just don’t ask me about matters outside my field of discussion, such as the affairs of political doctors, etc. I don’t deal with such things; my field is madness. You can ask about human rights and minority rights. Or about the Islamic Conference. In Albania, a person cannot be released from prison because of his political beliefs. Fatos Nano was imprisoned because of his beliefs; he was convinced they wouldn’t discover him. Anelaj tak PS dhe PDS so that they won’t accuse the country’s official policy of fundamentalism, or they’ll expel us from the Islamic Conference. At the Drama Festival, the first prize was awarded to an idiot. How can an idiot come first? (the man who had lost his mind?) At last the third November arrived. The last pelican left Albania. Never mind that they left on diets; we’ll arrange for the date to fall within November. I don’t know when the country was liberated, but I think it would be best for the German Bundestag to decide this question; German precision is known throughout the world, and they know the exact date when they left Albania. You have been with me and are with me. Next time, I want you to submit the questions through the secretariat. First secretary Namik Dokle, second Gramoz Ruçi, third Anastas Angjeli(s). The interpellation should preferably take place as soon as possible, because Namiku has pulled strings with the Minister of the Interior to get a television installed in his cell. Then the PS wants 22 chairpersons, who will finish receiving instructions from Prime Minister Fatos. This is a very easy solution. All we need to do is ask Fatos, who has all that Vllazni too, to make a policy… THE CHRONICLER