Those now called teachers of the Greek minority in Albania have for some time been used to implement a “pilot” project of the Greek state to institutionalize anti-Albanian propaganda in southern Albania. The name of Emilion Andoni, one of them, who has also been decorated for this activity by the mayor of Thessaloniki, through the Diploma shown in the photo, concretely demonstrates the institutionalization of the Greek state's activity for the Hellenization of southern Albania. In less than two years, the Greek administration on the border with Albania has enabled all the “minority teachers” to receive one month of training in Greece, in most cases without the approval of Albania's Ministry of Education. Presented as an activity of a local nature between the two neighboring countries, the Greek “training” is now bearing its first fruits. Reliable sources meanwhile report that these teachers are being paid 20,000 drachmas a month, in the form of financial assistance to cope with the economic situation in Albania. This sum is paid into special bank accounts opened in the banks of Ioannina, Thessaloniki and Korçë, through a process that always requires ratification by local “Omonia” leaders or trusted representatives of the Greek state in southern Albania. Unprepared for a propaganda campaign about the lack of conditions for educating minority children in Albania, the Greek administration used the card of technical and financial assistance for education to achieve the objectives of an old Greek project directed at Albania, ignoring the political moment and the new situation in our country after pluralism. The individuals carrying out this Greek project in Albania, who receive both a Greek salary and a salary from the Albanian state, are the same teachers who, two years ago in Gjirokastër, distributed aid from Greece to schoolchildren—free notebooks and pencils whose covers read: “Gjergj Kastrioti = Jorgo Kastrioti.” They are also the same teachers who, according to statistics, often outnumber the minority pupils in the South, and who have appeared before Greek television cameras staging scenes of violence in Greek schools in Albania, although no such incidents ever took place. As a group institutionally engaged in the Hellenization of the South, these “qualified teachers” in Greece often distort the Albanian Ministry of Education's curriculum before their pupils, evading their fundamental obligation to be part of Albania's state structures. As a mercenary card in the hands of the Greek state, this group of educators is the only one that has not emigrated to Greece in search of better work. Devoted to Greece within Albania's territory, they are meanwhile the most fanatical advocates of the idea that Greek schools should be opened everywhere in Albania to compensate for what the communist dictatorship destroyed. They do not hesitate to call for a Greek school in Ksamil, where before 1975 there was only a pig farm. For all these millionaires, the Greek state pays and awards diplomas. Payment varies according to contribution, while the diploma—as a more institutional form—thus formalizes this administration's commitment to an activity that harms the fundamental interests of the Albanian state. These diplomas, which have now also entered Albania, ultimately leave the issue of relations between the two countries at the mercy of diplomatic maneuvers that can achieve results only temporarily. The Greek state's systematic anti-Albanian activity is being documented as a difficult future for good neighborly relations. The Greek state's lost cards throughout the history of its relations with Albania cannot be revalued or reinforced through new operations by its administration. They have been burned because they lacked historical realism. The only diploma the Greek state can distribute to its emigrants in Albania may be that of invalid or anti-Albanian veteran. The others can be judged only by the quality of their paper or ink. The basis of their idea of Hellenizing southern Albania cannot extend beyond the 30 square centimeters of the diplomas they distribute for anti-Albanian activity. MERO BAZE THE MUNICIPALITY OF THESSALONIKI awards AN HONORARY DIPLOMA To the Teacher Andoni for her outstanding services to Hellenism in Northern Epirus. Thessaloniki, 7 March 1994 The Mayor of Thessaloniki

Ramiz Alia at the judicial testimony hearing

Perhaps Ramiz Alia’s fate was predetermined from the moment he was born, in the same month as his predecessor, Enver Hoxha, but… 17 years later. The paradox begins when one learns that he had joined the anti-communists in Shkodër and… at the end of his life he does not know how to answer before the court what profession he had actually pursued; people know his profession… Enver Hoxha left the stage as the great authoritarian chief, while yesterday Ramiz Alia was seen chatting with the policeman standing at his right! The pride of the years gone by prompted him to ask the presiding judge for the permanent presence of TV and the official press, so that the “people” would know what was happening and what sort of… conduct was being shown. In truth, from the outset it seemed like a trial that simply had to be held (let it be), and on the road behind the courtroom there were as many people as on the hard days when the traders were checked, just as finely as on this and other diary-like occasions. People have their own problems in many cases, and she said there was no intention…[?] [The final text is partly illegible] Adil Çarçani and Manush Myftiu could barely be heard from the rows of journalists, while nobody tried to take… Despite all the noise in front of them, they seemed somewhat… [partly illegible] … of Albania’s martyrs; as for Manush, only pity could be felt, and certainly not for that first Manush. Ramiz Alia occasionally exchanged a few words with Hekuran Isai, who seemed to be in good spirits and arrogant, and was making a show of what he would say on the days of the trial. In the front row appeared a former enemy, known for “violating Human Rights,” although in those years, in reality, one could not even be monitored in Albania; one could be monitored…[?] Rrapi Mino, in the inferior tones of a low-ranking soldier, also requested that TV be present in the courtroom, and this was sharply emphasized by “the former chief of Albanian counterintelligence, Zylyftar Ramizi,” who, quite coincidentally, mentioned former President Alia’s name. Almost all the defendants acknowledged that they had never previously been convicted by the Justice system (how could it have been otherwise?), with the exception of the most tolerant of them, former Supreme Court chairman Aranit Çela, who had apparently also been convicted by the Italian fascists’ courts (for anti-fascist activity), not for what he is currently accused of. Zylyftar Ramizi urgently asked to be heard before his witnesses, while an elderly witness, separately fed and dressed like an agent in comparison with the defendants, asked to be questioned quickly because he had come from far away and…[?] … perhaps he had brought his bread with him and did not have enough money for a hotel in the capital. The line of witnesses was long, and it was clear that they were more bewildered than the defendants themselves. Among them were, as one could make out by listening, former members of the Supreme Court, former prisoners of Gjatë-Bar, former inmates of Qafë-Bari, former ministers, members of the families of people executed without trial and interned for half a century, and witnesses from the former Directorate of Prishtina, which had spent so much. Many things were mentioned in the indictment, but the focus was on the bomb thrown into the courtyard of the Soviet Embassy in 1951, the 150 people arrested in a single night and the 22 executed without investigation or trial, including those secretly buried; dozens of families interned and expelled from Tirana, which was supposed to remain “ethnically” pure. Qafë-Bari, with one person killed and many wounded; it was said that the State Security service carried out the functions of a ministry directed by the Party, and that the party committees were for…[?] … such a police force; that letters sent abroad had been checked and monitored; and that, along the border, in recent years, people had been killed, dragged away (with no bodies returned), and used as demonstrations in Sarandë, Korçë, Shkodër, Ersekë, Gjirokastër, Rrëshen, Pogradec. That is all that was said! PHOTO: HEKTOR PUSTINA From left to right: First row: Ramiz Alia, Hekuran Isai, Adil Çarçani, Manush Myftiu, Rrapi Mino. Second row: Aranit Çela, Rita Marko, Veliz Haderi, Zylyftar Ramizi, Simon Stefani.

Prishtinë, 20 May — Large Serbian police forces blocked all entrances and exits to the Prishtina market from midday. The blockade lasted for many hours, almost the entire afternoon. This police operation took place when thousands of people were at the market; on the eve of Kurban Bajram, they had come out to buy necessities or carry out their usual trading. It is estimated that the so-called itinerant police, accompanied by other police forces, looted goods worth more than 50,000 German marks. Many people, mainly young Albanians, were arrested and taken to the police station. ATSH Photo: Armando Babani

The madwoman N of the capital, marginal and suppressed, is seen walking through the squares and streets of Tirana, reading aloud the greetings for the Kurban Bajram holiday displayed on numerous ribbons and banners. At 8:30 she made a strenuous attempt to climb the minaret of the Central Mosque, intending to take over the muezzin’s sound system. Passers-by who happened to be there stopped the madwoman; without much resistance, she abandoned her original idea and ran in the direction of the Tirana Court. “I’ll give the indictment against Comrade Simon Stefani myself,” she said at the beginning of her speech, pulling some crumpled papers out of a plastic bag. “Why only Simon’s?” one of the officials asked her. “Because he is the most devoted; the doctors have diagnosed him with 15 illnesses,” she replied. “Aranit Çela is persecuted too, as are Zylyftar Ramizi, Rrapi Mino—they are all persecuted. Comrade Aranit was never a criminal for even one day. Two lawyers will defend him now. One of the lawyers is his son. He has also carried the banner of the Euro-socialists at demonstrations. This is how it has always been: the whole lot of them do it, do it over? others. “And who will defend the others?” someone else asked. “What do I care about the others! I’ll defend only these people. Ramiz Alia, Rita Marko, Adil Çarçani, Manush Myftiu and Hekuran Isai will be defended by Kleant Koci, who has never been a communist. He wasn’t a persecutor either. Comrade Ramiz persecuted him.” Meanwhile, her voice was cut off because the vehicle carrying the prisoners appeared in the courthouse yard. After the pause, the madwoman continued: “Down with the dictatorship! Free Comrade Ramiz, Aranit, Comrade Manush! Whoever… with me is released on conditions. Who is a bachelor? Comrade Ramiz! If you take me, you can become president again. You can even become a minority priest. Where is Rrapi Mino Cuka, where are you, Comrade Rita, Rita Adil Stefan Alia, where are you, oh…[?] The madwoman took off her helmet and [uttered] other incomprehensible words, and the policemen were forced to use… “Don’t take me away!” she shouted. “Let me judge! I alone can conduct their trial. Open up the media, the state media. Let Albania hear Comrade Ramiz’s voice. I alone can judge them, I can acquit them. Oh Ramiz, you son of a b…”. The echo of her voice spread through all the festive spaces of Kurban Bajram. THE CHRONICLER

Interview with the President of the Republic of Kosovo

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For outstanding services in the Hellenization of NORTHERN EPIRUS Thessaloniki, 7 March 1994 The Mayor of Thessaloniki Konstantinos Kosmopoulos THE MUNICIPALITY OF THESSALONIKI AWARDS AN HONORARY DIPLOMA TO … ERMIONI ANDREAN For outstanding services in the Hellenization of Konstandinos KOSMOPULLOS