Outside the courtroom A little before 9:00 on Monday, at the entrance to the courthouse where the trial of the five defendants of Greek ethnicity and Albanian citizenship was to be held, 30–40 people who had come from Greece gathered quite unexpectedly. Within a few moments they pulled papers, notebooks and various leaflets from their pockets and bags. Among the members of this crowd were several other people who held up signs written in Greek. This noisy staging, accompanied by shouts and cries for no reason, seemed strange to ordinary onlookers, but not to the Greeks. They were doing their job, and not badly. Two or three cameramen filmed this strange performance. The most interesting moment was when the script called for a confrontation with the police. The desire to carry out this part successfully was so great that one of the Greeks, in a fit of hysteria, slapped an Albanian police officer. It could not be established whether the Greek was a journalist, a deputy, a Member of the European Parliament, or an employee of the GREEK ASFALIA INSTITUTES. This was also the most heated point of this scripted staging. After that, everything happened and died down. In a moment the journalists, deputies, MEPs and the other Greeks calmed down, as if on command. There you have it... The Greek operators recorded this whole scenario on tapes to send it urgently to Greece and to international institutions... Correspondent of “REPUBLIKA”

Inside the courtroom A courtroom 90% occupied by Greeks, with the occasional Albanian visible here and there. At yesterday’s hearing, three of the accused—Vangjel Papakristo, Theodhor Bezhani and Panajot Marto—admitted that they had met with chiefs and agents of the Greek Secret Service and had received money. They admitted that they had drawn up lists of minority officers dismissed from their posts and had illegally brought weapons into Albania and kept them illegally. From left to right: Vangjel Papakristo, Theodori Bezhani and Panajot Marto. Photo: A. BABANI 60 million drachmas for Omonia in one of the banks in Ioannina. The Greek ambassador Saliqis, from the front row of the courtroom, directs the five defendants with pantomime. Page 2 From left to right: Vangjel Papakristo, Theodori Bezhani and Panajot Marto. Photo: A. BABANI

“... The people have chosen you for the issue of Vorio-Epirus, for the autonomy of Vorio-Epirus, which must first and foremost come from you yourselves; we will support you...” “... Omonia has its own program and PBDNJ has its own. In its program, PBDNJ also expresses Omonia’s interests, and you (the head of Omonia) should not be jealous; PBDNJ should be an all-Albanian party, not just a party of the minority; Aromanians should also be part of it...” Andrea Zambakalo, the Greek ASFALIA chief for Ioannina, gives guidance to Omonia’s leaders—April 1992. The “Skënderbej” aid institute, under the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs, allocates 2 million drachmas to Omonia through Sotir Qiraziati, with the instruction: “The money is to be used for the 22 March election campaign.” Requests to arm the Greek minority in Albania by Omonia’s leaders were submitted to former Prime Minister Micotakis, former Deputy Minister Cudero, Antoni Samaras, and all the Greek ASFALIA chiefs for Albania. “... All members of the minority must be equipped with machine guns, while the cadres must have pistols...,” one of Omonia’s leaders writes to Prime Minister Micotakis. 60 million drachmas deposited in the National Bank of Ioannina, account number 480028-91, passbook number 359, by the Greek state, the Government of Cyprus, Sebastian and others... Omonia’s leaders ask Micotagis for 200 million drachmas for 1994, because “... Omonia is moving from being a political association to an as-yet undeclared government.” Page 2

— Greece need not worry if the five accused are innocent! — Of course, I do not think that this time Albania will put Greece on trial. In today’s Europe there is no longer room for nations to put other nations on trial, or for states to put other states on trial. Citizens must not suffer from nationalism, understood as hatred or chauvinism toward their neighbours. On the contrary, I am concerned that we may be acting out of a kind of inferiority complex, at least in relation to our neighbours. In this context, I see the trial of the five Greek-minority members as an ordinary act of Albanian justice against some of its own citizens who, according to the charges, are believed—and this will or will not be proven—to have violated the laws of this state. Incidentally, these five citizens are members of the Greek minority. In another trial, for example, the accused might be other Albanian citizens of Albanian ethnicity, or citizens of other ethnicities, Aromanians or Serbs. This happens everywhere in Europe. No one can claim that the Albanian justice system may try, on such charges, only Albanians of Albanian ethnicity, and not citizens of other ethnicities as well... Greek citizens, Greek deputies or ordinary Greek citizens should be pleased and should see it as a strong sign of democratization and respect for minority rights that the Albanian state has granted them permission to come to Tirana and attend the trial hearings. They will be able to convince themselves afterwards whether the proceedings are genuine or otherwise; they will see for themselves whether these five m... FARUK MYRTAJ (Continued on page 4)

Dozens and dozens of Albanians are held in Greek prisons on baseless charges; they are subjected to inhumane treatment, at all times without mercy. The Greek justice system does not deal with them. Albanians imprisoned in Greece have no lawyers. Their trials are conducted without observing any legal procedures. And there are not just five... Their number is growing. Other Albanians are abducted by the Greek police and do not return. The Greek state is silent. The Greek state, which swears by human rights, is silent. The Greek government is silent. The Greek opposition parties are silent. The Greek government and parties are not creating a “solid front” for the rights of Albanians. The Albanian government has still not sent letters to the heads of European states about its own citizens whom Greece throws in prison, does not try, and makes disappear. Albanian parties know how to form solid fronts with the Greek parties and government against Albania. N. Ç.

BASHKIM ZENELI: (Member of the Presidency of the Socialist Party). “I can say that this trial will be a political trial. I see the danger of Muslim fundamentalism in Albania.” (Antena television station, 14 August 1994). NERITAN CEKA: (Chairman of the “Alliance” Party). “I don’t like the way these five people are being taken to trial, as in the time of Enver Hoxha.” (Antena television station, 14 August 1994). The Italian Ambassador to Albania, PAOLO FORESTI: “The conduct of this trial is not in the least different from the trials conducted today in the West by contemporary judges.” (“Voice of America,” 16 August 1994).

The madwoman N of Tirana walked the streets of the capital on Monday morning with a large sign on her back reading: Down with Muslim fundamentalism. The lists of intellectuals who have been paid not to speak against our friend Greece will be published soon. An Albanian minister has asked to come as far as ... so that a woman who distributed Omonia brochures can be appointed in his place. Could ambassadors with the neighbours be better? ... “This is a violation of human rights,” said the madwoman; “there can be no democracy here. The country is full of prisons and the government offices are full of Greeks. But how can all this be?” said the madwoman. And Agjëshi is simple. With one voice you can speak with two mouths. Not to kill Albania. That’s how... the madwoman thought. An alliance between Greece and Albania is a ... In a trail ... The Chronicler