Will Albanians vote for the Constitution in the upcoming referendum on November 6? Ordinary people—villagers, city dwellers, intellectuals, local leaders of opposition and non-opposition parties—are moving toward a historic consensus, thereby repudiating the parties to which they belong. For the first time in Albania’s history, Albanians are finding a path to consensus on fundamental issues such as the Constitution. The propaganda of the political parties (which have declared themselves in favor of a “no” vote in the referendum), and of individuals in other parties who have likewise declared themselves in favor of a “no” vote, is not aimed at preventing the Constitution from being approved through the referendum. Everyone knows that the Constitution will be approved. The question is whether these parties can win. And what that would mean for the power of certain cliques within them. Dritëro Agolli’s emotional speech at a Socialist rally in Tirana, although it was not as laden with calls for civil war as that of former Interior Minister Ruci in Gjirokastër—to obstruct the referendum even by force (with axes and machetes)—perhaps because of his emotions, did not answer people’s questions about whether the Constitution enshrines in law Albania’s territorial integrity, or whether the Law on Human Rights guarantees Albanians the freedoms that the dictatorship and its tools stole from them. The politician Agolli abstained precisely when the Greeks were voting in favor of this law (tomorrow, qirje Blushi will write that “Republika” persecutes intellectuals, as if this qirje Blushi had not persecuted intellectuals with his own zeqëria). Paskal Milo’s appearance on TV, advocating a “no” vote in the referendum, did not explain to viewers whether the Constitution of Albania includes Albania’s right to ask Greece to recognize and regulate by law the rights of the Albanian minority in Greece. For politician Milo, as he stated at the National Council of the PSD, the Albanian minority in Greece is a linguistic reality. The PSD National Council listened in amazement to Milo’s statement, and it is not known how long some people’s astonishment would have continued if the intellectual Bardhyl Londo had not stood up to explain to the politician, historian and Albanian Milo that, if we are talking about a linguistic reality, it is the Greek minority in Albania—not Albanians in Greece, with their property and their lives there. On TV, Paskal Milo announced to Albanians that the PSD would vote against the Constitution. And it is not known who is truly a mercenary and who the mercenaries are, but the ordinary members of the PSD in Korçë, Vlorë, Tropojë, Mat, Lezhë, Mirditë, Kukës, Krujë, Lushnje and elsewhere, as well as the intellectual leaders of this party—Laco, Aliko, Milkani, Imami, Londo—will say “yes” to the Constitution, because they feel that this is how one says “yes” to Albania. And the statement by the PSD leader in Vlorë that “for co-interests…” could hardly be considered an argument. [The original text is damaged/garbled here.] The lineup of members of the Alliance leadership at the Socialist rally in Durrës failed to prove that the Constitution is dictatorial. Not even the studies of an Arben… [The original text is damaged/garbled here.] The President of the Alliance did indeed line up alongside the Socialists in Durrës, but its members did not, because its members do not exist. To demonstrate their legitimacy, this presidency of the assembly wanted to obtain votes from people who might not vote. There is always a certain percentage of citizens who do not go to the ballot boxes. The Human Rights Party also declared that it would vote “no,” not so much to be in an alliance with the Socialists, with whom it has relatively little in common, as to be against Albania. Melo of this party gave no arguments as to why he was voting against Albania. As if the arguments were not already known. Yesterday, “Zëri i popullit” counted 17 parties that would vote against the Constitution. Quite a lot, indeed. Tomorrow, the newspaper of the former Party of Labour could double that number. Let there be 34 parties against the Constitution, against Albania. There is nothing new in this party’s strategy: it is now also calling for civil war, seeking to turn Albanians against Albanians, as if half a century of genocide had not been enough. The 17 parties and party members (party members or patriarchs) will say “no” to the Constitution. The people will say “Yes” to Albania. “REPUBLIKA” EMA because of the emotions, no answer was given to the people in this... The Constitution enshrines in law Albania’s territorial rights. The Constitution guarantees Albanians that the Law on Human Rights guarantees Albanians Tropojë, Mat, Lezhë, Mirditë, Kukës, Krujë, Lushnjë, and throughout the country, as well as the leading intellectuals of this party, Laco, Aliko, Milkani, that we will not leave the governing coalition, but will vote under this Constitution. Imami, who, in the most worrying way, reveals that President Clinton, or the German president her party members (party members or patriots) “Yes” to Albania. “REPUBLIKA” YES / FOR THE DRAFT CONSTITUTION

Dr. Aleksandër Meksi: The parliamentary commission, the experts and the representatives of the political forces who drafted the draft Constitution were conscious throughout this process that the Constitution is the legal component and the fundamental constitutional element of the state. The person who will be powerful after the Constitution is approved will not be me as an individual, but the institution of the prime minister, as head of government. There will be other people in that position tomorrow. Perhaps then they will appreciate it, once the fervor of the political struggle that has gripped them today has passed. Azem Hajdari, Member of Parliament: The important thing is this: on November 6 they will not be choosing between me and you, between deputy X and deputy Y; they will be choosing between anarchy, dictatorship or democracy. And by choosing this Constitution, especially some of its principal articles—Article 5, which enshrines political pluralism, and Article 32, on the equality of citizens before the law—they will choose democracy. Ilir Alushi, jurist: This draft Constitution clearly establishes that citizens will be protected not only from unlawful acts by an individual or a group of individuals, but also from any state action that may interfere contrary to the fundamental rights set out in this draft.

That Himara is free and that Himara is Albanian is not for the Greeks to determine. The Constitution enshrines Albania’s right in law. In Athens, not even some minority priest would be staying in Athens. Whether the services held in Himara are in Albanian or Greek is for Albanian Orthodox believers to decide, and no one else. It is beyond doubt that the administration of the Himara region, Kurvelesh or Labëria is not to be appointed by Greece. Albanians, not Greeks, will govern there; nature and international law give them the opportunity to administer and beautify Greece, not to act on Greece’s behalf. It is not decided in Corfu or Athens whether the Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Church will be part of the Greek Church, nor whether its purpose is to be “the struggle against Islam and Catholicism.” (Continued on page 4)

On Monday, September 24, the chairman of the PRSH, Mr. Sabri Godo, met with the Chargé d’Affaires of the United Kingdom, Mr. Stephen Nash. At this meeting, which was informational in nature, Mr. Godo presented the PRSH’s position on the current situation in the country, as well as the Republican perspective on the main issues currently concerning Albanian politics. He also praised the initiatives of British humanitarian organizations in Albania and made several suggestions in this regard. Mr. Fatmir Mediu and Dr. Cerciz Mingomataj also took part in the meeting.

FATOS ARAPI It is truly astonishing to leaf through old books and documents and come across those very same everyday scenes, of depopulation, that confront you everywhere today. Much has changed in the material life of the Balkans and Greece: modern highways, ports and railways, universities and scientific institutes, membership in the United Europe, and so on. But the Albanian soul of Greek foreign policy has remained the same, unchanged and archaic in substance. It has, indeed, inherited a tradition. But a tradition of its own, and of depopulation, with only its memory—what have our presidents and our elders left us? In 1891, the Greek nation, which at that time was to be proclaimed one of the greatest powers of the age, was trying, along with other efforts, to preserve and protect the Albanian people. The Greek state was never so great, so powerful, that it could impose its views and take everything into its own hands. Throughout its history, it has protected the brotherhood of bandits, supporting them at its own expense in order to incite the Christian inhabitants... to rise up against the Ottoman imperial government. It is well known that in 1854 General Grivas crossed the Greek borders, accompanied by a large band recruited in Greece, and that his partisans stopped at no crime in order to force the Christian inhabitants to join them. These attempts were repeated in 1866. The Greek government had organized several revolutionary committees in different regions of Epirus and Thessaly, and supplied the Greek bands with many weapons. On the other hand, this time the Greek bands were commanded by Greek army officers and supported by other Greek troops. Nevertheless, in 1878, during the events at Lëkurës, a very strange thing happened: the Christians of Epirus had seen... ... also life before them. For a time, it protected bandits in particular, government. Seeing its own impotence once again, the Greek government... then began to employ another tactic, the one we consequently see today: it seeks to achieve its goal through diplomatic means and historical and geographical claims. In its memorandum submitted to the Congress of Berlin, the Greek government did not hesitate to demand all of Epirus, Thessaly, Macedonia, Thrace, and even Istanbul, asserting that all these lands belonged to Greece. A glance at ancient and modern history, as well as at geographical treaties, makes it easy to understand the injustices done to Albania. It is well known that the Albanian people are older than the Greek people; it is well known that Epirus in ancient times was one of the constituent parts of Albania and was never, in any way, a Greek land. The evidence of history... The Greek government is careful not to raise historical antiquities, while the greatest historians of today reinforce these views with the testimony of ancient authors. One of the absurd claims put forward by the Greeks is that the inhabitants of Janina and Arta, despite speaking Greek, should be considered Greek by nationality. The Albanians have preserved their homeland, their nation, their language, and their customs, repelling in barbarous times the attacks of the Romans, Byzantines, and Venetians. How can it be permitted, in this enlightened century of civilization, for a nation so brave and so attached to its own soil to be sacrificed, left to the mercy of an insatiable fiend, without any legitimate reason?” This is what our forefathers tell us in the Memorandum of the Albanian League addressed to the powers that signed the Treaty of Berlin, on 29 May 1878. These claims and arguments... ... of Herodotus, Thucydides, Strabo, fully prove this historical truth, while the works of the greatest geographers of today reinforce, in this regard, the testimony of ancient authors. ... they repeat this also in the Memorandum of the Albanian Committee of Istanbul addressed to public opinion in 1897: “... the cunning and crafty Greeks, who, relying only on legends and ridiculous prejudices, dream of rebuilding the Byzantine Empire. Greek claims have no historical basis; even if we were to accept as certain that the Byzantines were Greeks, they would be like the claims of the Italians, were they to demand the territories of the Roman Empire and subjugate almost all of Europe, North Africa, and Western Asia. And what means have the Greeks not employed! To this end, they have made particular use of the clergy and schools, sowed discord, and poisoned the minds of our Orthodox brothers in the South. The Patriarchate has lavished wealth upon certain of our wretched brothers, spiritually and otherwise, and in this way has found strong support among the Turks, among those Turks who are enemies of our nationality. Although Muslim and Christian Albanians live very well together and there have never been any recorded cases of hatred or killings between these brothers, who seem to have been divided by religious rites—and although the immense efforts of the Patriarchate and the Turkish government have in no way achieved this aim—the Albanians, for greater unity and peace, will do everything possible to sever all ties with the Patriarchate and will consequently have their own Exarch, independent of the Phanar, as the Bulgarians do.”

(THIS INTERNAL PROGRAM OF ASSISTANCE TO THE PEOPLE OF ALBANIA) Dear brothers, You are aware of the difficult situation you are going through. We feel for you, for what is being done to you, and for our responsibilities toward you. Supporting this cause is also our responsibility. The Committee, the Staff, the Congress, the Representation, the Advisers, the Leaders, the Attackers, the Dimocrats, the Greeks, the Pleasure, all of the P-ja will bear this responsibility. ...

… for the first time in the centuries-old history of our country, it comes as a document that gives legal standing to Albania as a fully democratic country, opening the way for it to join international democratic forums. The Constitution in force isolated the country from the world, destroyed the economy, and plunged the people into indescribable poverty.

It seems to me that the overwhelming majority of Albanians have more reason to say “Yes” to the Constitution than “No.” Because the overwhelming majority of them, having left behind five decades of a brutal totalitarian regime, today feel that they have gained more than they have lost, because the new Constitution is more democratic and more advanced than any this country has ever had, because it guarantees the fundamental freedoms and rights of citizens, the country’s development and security, and so on, for the future.

The madwoman N of Tirana was seen on Monday and Tuesday strolling along the banks of the Lana, shouting: “I declare a political strike on November 6!” All the mad people of the republic will be on political strike on November 6. We have assigned a specialist to count our members so that we can hold a political strike on November 6. It is thought their number will be close to 1 million. If we manage to get our electorate,” said the madwoman, “to reach 30%, that will mean that in the next elections our alliance will get 30% of the seats in parliament.” “Easy, easy,” someone shouted at Wednesday’s president of the madwomen. “We in the political movement aren’t the only ones. We also have the human-rights people. If 30% of them won’t vote for the Greek constitution—which you have—then we in the human-rights camp also have 30%.” “We in the alliance are a bigger party than you,” said the madwoman. “We’re friends, but in days of war and hatred, too? For the elections between us—you should...” “Why, you madwoman...” ... “But that isn’t fair, comrade Musa. We believe in comrade Gramoz too. We believe in comrade Servet and the other comrades as well. Why? There are more of them, the alliance presidency, but you, what’s the rule, and where are you looking?...” “No,” said one of the Alliance presidency. “We’ve arranged it differently. We don’t want your votes, or comrade Musa’s. We’ll take the votes of everyone who doesn’t go to the ballot box. We are a Western, democratic liberal party. We don’t create confusion.” “But that isn’t fair either, comrades,” said the gray-haired man, turning to the acquaintance. “Where do you expect to get votes from all the children of Albania, from the brothers and the mad people?” “We social democrats are here too,” said the madwoman. “We also want a percentage of the votes against. We know the percentage of the total votes that will be cast in favor, but we also want a share of the total votes.” Perhaps around midnight, from the Lana road, only ... THE CHRONICLER