Customers accuse: Sudja has only 2 million dollars. We may not even get our own money back

Do Serbs want the seats, Kosovo, or democracy? These days, as Serbia’s largest cities buzz with anti-Milošević protests and world opinion turns its eyes toward Belgrade, Albanians cannot help wondering what is happening around their country. The first question is what Albanian citizens might gain or lose, and the second is what Kosovo might gain from this situation, because what could it lose? First. No democratic winds are blowing in Serbia; rather, efforts are being made to change the owners of the seats of power. No Serbian politician seems concerned with the thought that Serbia could become democratic while having Kosovo within its borders, because that is not in Serbia’s interest. For Serbia’s calculations regarding democratization to add up, Serbia must first let Kosovo go. Serbian intelligence and all their serious politicians know this. If the recent events in Belgrade were intended to democratize Serbia, the slogans would have to be entirely different, and the main one should have been: “We want democracy, not Kosovo.” For the Serbs to have both democracy and Kosovo will not work, because the two exclude each other. In a democratic Serbia, it would be trivially easy for Albanians to separate Kosovo from Serbia. In fact, the Serbian opposition is not demanding democracy but “democracy”—that is, it wants the seats and Kosovo. That is possible. Consequently, Albanians have nothing to expect directly from these upheavals in Serbia. If Milošević loses, Albanians, neither in Tirana nor in Pristina, lose anything, but they do not gain anything significant either. The only possible benefit for Albanians may be that it is easier to deal with the amateur Drashkoviq (who thinks the state is held together with poetry) than with the professional Milošević. In any case, there is no difference here. On the contrary, Albanians will have to face those who appropriate things for themselves, simply because they are cultivating their own nationalism and working on their own professionalism. Second. It is not very likely that Milošević will fall from power, for now. At most, he will make conspicuous concessions, but ones that will ultimately determine his position. Nevertheless, his rule is nearing its end. Of course, everything has its end, and the beginning of Milošević’s end came at the moment he handed Knin Krajina over to the Croats. Nexhmedin Spahiu

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Our most important theatrical institution was left without electricity on Friday, before it could present its next performance. Theater lovers waited about an hour to see the start of the performance “Oportunesku.” It was very difficult to put on this performance because the actors had to get ready without lights. They did their costumes, makeup, and everything else in the dark. In consideration of the great enthusiasm of those who waited so insistently, after 60 minutes of sitting in the darkened hall, when patience had run out for everyone, the performance began and, needless to say, ended with an ovation. N.R.

According to some customers, sources very close to Sudja say that the amount of cash she has does not exceed 2 million dollars. If this is true, it means Sudja’s ability to pay may leave several hundred customers—those waiting impatiently for December 18—out of pocket. According to Sudja, this amount, given the average size of the deposits collected by her, does not represent even 100 customers. In the sea of names appearing on Sudja’s customer list, such a figure is, understandably, almost laughable. The “burning” suffered by Sudja’s numerous customers has generally led depositors not to put back the money they receive from the installment payouts, but to take it away. Yesterday, around 2,500 customers at Tirana’s 150 counters did not reinvest their installment money. Around 50% of them went so far as to terminate their original contracts.

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