Sudja will return the money. The IMF releases the bosses of the pyramid schemes from prison Berisha: The Mitol Bridge must be mined Zhulali: Sheme Kosova opposed the order. The President dismissed him immediately. [Illegible handwriting] [Handwriting in the facsimile, partially illegible.]

The electorate awaits unity and the Platform Electoral bipolarization between the DP and SP continues to remain the greatest danger to the structures of the Albanian state and institu-

Electoral bipolarization between the DP and SP continues to remain the greatest danger to the structures of the Albanian state and the democratic institutions that they aim to re-create on the basis of the electorate’s vote. to the structures of the Albanian state and the democratic institutions that they aim to re-create on the basis of the electorate’s vote. Not only because this bipolarization, influenced as it has been—though not for the first time—by the disappointments of an incapable government, could turn the pluralist parliament into a caricature, with one party ruling over 70 or 80%. We have been “enjoying” the benefits of these proportions for six years. The greatest evil lies in the fact that such a practice will leave outside the sphere of influence in Albanian politics, as it has already done, right-wing political thought and the forces representing it. After all, this political thought has not been potent on the political scene, and its economic [basis?] cannot rise above that of a center-left party; worse still, with its self-definition as “right-wing,” it not only failed to prevent its reputation from declining, but also seriously damaged the real vision of the genuine right. In this way, the ongoing struggle between it and the Socialists has been and remains less a debate between alternatives than a savage battle between power-hungry clans, which, like every fight among their own kind, is fiercer than one might imagine. Nevertheless, a right-wing electorate exists in Albania, and it is even active. The interest in Lekë Zogu’s moves, the expectation of A. Ermenji’s return, etc., as well as the interest in observing the political alternatives of the PR, etc., clearly show that the right-wing electorate is more active than the right-wing parties themselves in Albania. And if one considers the large numbers of PD voters who have drifted toward the right, one can be convinced that this electorate is neither small nor insignificant. What matters at this moment is that the right-wing parties themselves—or, more specifically, their leaderships—know how to rise above personal grudges and petty resentments, which may have led as far as the dissolution of the LDSH, and manage to become a serious and potent force in the electoral balance of the next Albanian parliament. In this way, not only could the vision of the right, unfairly humiliated by the PD, be rehabilitated, but Albania could also be spared the left that secured its hold on power even after the collapse of the communist regime, promoting populism and the falsity of the “visions of 2000” and of inflated prosperity; its capacity and strength to fight the right and its values would be considerably weakened. Furthermore, since there is talk of broad national reconciliation, it would not be a bad idea to consider a genuine union of the right-wing forces in Albania. But not through disputes and the division of electoral districts; rather, on the basis of an open platform, carefully worked out and backed by broad political consensus. After two great disappointments, right-wing voters would hardly be able to stomach a third disappointment, even worse than the first two, if it were to result from the idea that the right has grown old and does not know how to organize itself.

Facsimile of S. Zhulali’s article, sent to “Republika”