Everts also in a difficult position: The Prime Minister’s initiative concerning the six failed; something else must be found Nano muddies Justice Chief Prosecutor Rakipi submits his resignation. Goga: They tie our hands Pëllumbi: Nano must go. Malaj: Bleta is a victim of the SP TIRANË - General Prosecutor Arben Rakipi was forced to resign after the announcement of a political initiative aimed at resolving, by political means, the court case against six former PD officials, but Mejdanit refused to accept his resignation. Meanwhile, OSCE ambassador Dan Everts intervened to persuade Rakipi to return to the head of the prosecution institution. After returning, Rakipi announced that he would respond once the political decisions concerning the court case had been completed. Meanwhile, chief military prosecutor Aleksandër Goga declared that there were [unclear] grounds against the six detainees. “I am ready to begin the court proceedings,” Goga says. But he warns that “politics may tie our hands.” The Director General of Investigations, Agim Tirana, confirms that the investigations into the six accused will continue until parliament intervenes. “Our investigations have been intensive and productive. In fact, we now have sufficient evidence against the defendants and other people on the same charge,” says Tirana. On pages 2–3

FATOS LUBONJA Some time ago, when the PD began its destabilizing activity with bombings and road blockades, at café tables you would often hear Nano’s supporters put forward the argument that these acts strengthened the Prime Minister’s position, since Berisha was becoming increasingly discredited. Berisha has no one left except those 3,000 people who follow him at rallies and the thugs of Luarat and Shkodër, they would say. Following this same logic, which the chairman of the Democratic Alliance, Ceka, also recently expressed to the press, Nano and the Socialists would remain in power for another four years, when election time came again, because, set against Berisha and his great filth and aggressiveness in the 1996 elections, there was the mild Nano and his Socialists. It seems like convincing logic, but if you look more deeply, you will see that it is a very dangerous logic—and it proves to be so long before election time arrives. This logic is not merely one of the major reasons behind the use of violence that Berisha resorted to in order to seize power, nor does it provide any argument for judging his period of government. This logic does not… …Albanian [unclear], who have rarely had enough courage and intelligence to look the truth in the eye and face it bravely. It is also the short-sightedness of Western politicians, who have understood what is happening in Albania very late, because of their indifference and pragmatism, or because they have pursued interests other than those of the Albanians. In fact, the arrest of the six was merely the trigger for the many scandals and corruption, which are among the factors behind the body’s weakness in responding to it. By now even the most uninformed Albanian following current political life clearly understands that the main illness Albania has been suffering from for a year and a half is political destabilization caused by Berisha, who activates political gangs and ordinary criminal gangs. From the day after 9 March 1997, when Berisha opened the arms depots throughout Albania and, as a result, more than 2,000 Albanians were killed, banks, universities and warehouses were burned and looted, this illness has continued to afflict Albania. Likewise, even the most uninformed Albanian now understands that this illness is not…

On page 3

Skifter Albania is trembling today, more from exhaustion than from fear. From the politicians’ pit, more and more words keep emerging—words the people do not understand, do not accept, and even hate. Before setting off on his diplomatic mission to Portugal and then Italy, Nano tried to find a solution to the political crisis that erupted after the arrest of six former PD officials. He took the only possible path that would not lead to his resignation, on the one hand calling for the “freezing” of that proceeding and of all the others with a political background (proposing a general amnesty for the events of March 1997), and on the other warning of a fierce fight against corruption. A fight without demagoguery which, as he has promised, may also reach “our own family,” that is, the Socialist family in power. A change of some minister (if it actually happens) will of course not be enough to restore peace in the country unless his “enemy,” Sali Berisha, is deprived of the alibi of political persecution represented by the recent arrests. That is why Nano is calling for the proceedings to be frozen. And it is precisely for the same reason that Berisha refuses. It is paradoxical, but the latest chapter of this dangerous struggle has as its protagonists Nano, who wants the six released, and Berisha, who is committed to continuing the proceedings. And the chairman of the PD said it: the six must be tried, because Nano must not interfere with justice. Berisha knows well that his biggest mistake in the political struggle against the Socialists was in 1994, when he arrested Fatos Nano. Now, with the branches of power intertwined, Berisha dresses himself in the robes of the persecuted. After 45 years of dictatorship, the Albanian people can no longer accept political trials, which they interpret as an assault on their most precious possession: freedom. The six PD officials must be released, and Nano must keep his word about chopping off the heads of the corrupt. Perhaps, as always, some innocent person will pay too, but the return of unrest must not be allowed. And every alibi must be denied to those who choose violence instead of politics. Unfortunately, Albanian politics in general, and especially relations between the two main parties, resemble a pencil with an eraser: whenever something is written, the eraser can hardly wait to erase it, and as soon as something is erased, the pencil point writes it again. In all this, the pencil—that is, the people—is what gets worn down the most. What is written well should not be erased.

“They must find another job; we will help you with excellent CVs” Ambassador Lino On page 4

Yesterday, the meeting of the governing council of the state broadcaster. The votes rejected the new chief’s proposal Klosi On page 10

On page 8

He wears number 3 and starts alongside Dunga Greetings from Blatter; Johanson watches from the stands Ilir Shulku, wearing number 3, started from the first minute for the World XI in the match against Turkey. It was an electrifying atmosphere: at the FIFA gathering, Blatter greeted him, and Johanson was present in the stands; he contributed with a TV appearance for the match marking the 75th anniversary of the Turkish Federation. Respect to our footballer, who played alongside the great champion Carlos Dunga, who also had the distinction of captaining the World XI. A unique occasion for our football, but unfortunately we were forced to learn about it only after the fact, since no media outlet was able to show the match live from the start. In this match Ilir was accompanied, at the request of the Turkish Federation, by national team coach Astrit Hafizi as well.

US Embassy First failure GAZETA of ... The competition, expected by

... is a very dangerous logic, and is proving is not merely a solution to the major underlying concern about the use of violence against Berisha to build power, and as such it is proving just as scandalous for the country as his period in government. This logic does not see what is happening to Albania; it does not matter to it that Albania may be brought to the brink of anarchy for three years, or even for another four years after those three; it does not matter to it that this anarchy is causing Albania unbearable stress, that thousands of reports of a stolen car are accompanied by a whole network of [unclear], let alone the blowing up of power pylons and party offices, blockades of national roads, and threats to attack arms depots. This logic forgets that these events do not have only a psychological cost; they also carry a great economic cost. They are leaving the country without investment, causing the brain drain, increasing violence and crime, and raising the number of [unclear]. Violence in Albania is so great that the US State Department has classified Albania at risk level 4, the highest level on a scale from 1 to 4. The factors that have made Albania one of the most dangerous countries in the world in terms of threats to life are crime, political violence, and terrorism. The departure of the American embassy was a sign of this assessment of Albania. In recent days, reports of foreign investors leaving have been added to these departures. Under these circumstances, raising the issue of Kosovo and requesting international support simply amounts to empty rhetoric. In The New York Times, one of the newspaper’s most prestigious journalists has floated the idea that Albania is not a country chosen for the issue, that tiny Albania is being treated as if it were a great Albania. So this is not a success for Nano, as this logic often claims, which could be signaled by the expression “the power of Albania…,” but a complete political failure. The fact that the PD is escalating this political engagement also has a more strategic dimension of destabilization and a phase of terror, and this society is in a deeper decline than at any point during the entire pattern of this failure of governance. Undoubtedly, the failure requires a broader and more far-reaching assessment, including a political one. Ostrich politics To say that the situation we are going through is causing the most unbearable anarchy, that the entire corrupt governing class is involved, and that it is a routine and political shortcoming of the…

The competition: endless waiting for answers On page 5 GAZETA of Durrës Too few kindergartens for children This year they are being kept at home On page 7 GAZETA of Shkodër The city is flooded; rains isolate travelers On page 6