“But I will wait to see how the judges behave” CHOLE CASE / The evidence from the tapes remains a mystery TIRANA - The involvement of politicians’ names has so far been delicately avoided during the proceedings against Zani[?] and his sons from the Çole neighborhood. Neither the prosecution nor the defense lawyers have dared mention the name of any Albanian politician, from either the ruling party or the opposition, in their statements, trying to treat the case as a trial concerning an ordinary gang. But the blue-eyed capo[?] of the city of Vlora does not seem to share this view; so far, he has mentioned only the name of former Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi, whom he defended a year ago. “If necessary, then the politicians will also be discussed. They have been left out until now, but they should not forget how I helped them carry out their political activities in a city where you can get shot at any time,” he said during a recess in the trial. On page 4 Zani Çaushi

Check the invalid series On page 12

The names of those who should have won places at the schools are moved Secretaries have taken money to make the changes Dozens of parents are protesting outside the Ministry of Education TIRANA—A scandal is looming over the Ministry of Education. “There have been abuses involving the admission competition lists for higher education institutions.” Dozens of parents and students have begun lodging complaints at the offices of the Rectorate. Not even two weeks after the start of the academic year, the “first tails” are emerging. This concerns all those applicants who gained the right to attend a school after registration of the “legitimate invitees” had closed and the list had been adjusted. In their place, according to all the parents’ accusations, others have been inserted—people who may have been at the bottom of the list but had a strong connection with the faculty secretaries. The outraged parents make no attempt to hold back when talking about the deals that have been made. “They gave them money in hand,” says one mother, whose son has lost the right to continue his higher education. As a member of the technical team drafting the constitutional draft, I have expressed reservations about specific provisions, ‘in the sense that they need to be improved so that they are formulated clearly and do not leave room for abuses or blockages in the governance of the country. Naturally, by their very nature, the provisions of a constitution are not so easy for just anyone to interpret and understand. Nevertheless, it is essential that, particularly for jurists, the constitutional provisions be clear so that they can be interpreted correctly, on the basis of legal theory concerning the interpretation of legal norms. Being modest in my suggestions, and not claiming that others must necessarily accept them as I see them, I am presenting several suggestions concerning specific provisions of the draft constitution: 1. Article 4, third paragraph, of the draft constitution stipulates that: “The provisions of the Constitution are published directly, before the article where the Constitution specifies other amendments with ...” [partly illegible] Article 4, third paragraph [unclear text] ... [partly illegible] Being modest, I suggest that the provisions clearly state that those required to apply the law for the round while it is in force, and the articles themselves ensure a path for the Albanian Constitution. Otherwise, the law becomes punishable ... [partly illegible] All [unclear text] ... Therefore, I would suggest that during the article-by-article discussion of the draft constitution, Parliament remove the third paragraph of Article 4 of the draft constitution.

Solana: The decision will not be implemented before 96 hours Ultimatum until Saturday On page 8

The death penalty aroun[?] [text cut off at the bottom edge]

Theodhori Sollaku The time is now approaching for the draft law of the Constitution of the Republic of Albania to be finally approved. Soon Albanians will have the fundamental act of the state, their Constitution, thereby joining all the other democratic states of Europe. Reaching this stage has required no small amount of work. Over nearly a year, the parliamentary commission for drafting the draft constitution had to contend with differing political positions on the structure of the future constitution, as well as debates over particular provisions in the draft. The important thing is that the draft constitution submitted to Parliament for approval embodies the consensus of the political forces that took part in drafting this constitutional text. As a member of the technical team drafting the draft constitution, I have reservations about specific provisions and would like to raise this question: If the Constitution does not give the courts the right to apply the Constitution directly, who is left to apply it (the Constitution) directly? That would mean the Constitution leaves this right to local government, the administration, citizens, and so on, who in practice are less capable than the courts of dealing with situations in which the law imposes a penalty under the Constitution. A formulation such as that of the paragraph cited above is not found in the constitutional practices of other countries, with the exception of the United States, which has a consolidated 200-year tradition and a legislative system different from those of the other European countries. If Albania has based all its legislation, including the draft Constitution, “on European experience,” there is no reason to make an exception to this rule on this point. Besides this, it should be borne in mind that, as in many European states, all state activity and that of individuals

BARDHYL MINXHOZI The news that NATO’s attack had been suspended and that an agreement had been reached to send 2,000 observers to monitor the implementation of the six points of the United Nations was a “success” for the well-known duo Holbrooke-Milošević and a disappointment for the Albanians. Experience has shown that every suspension of military intervention favors Milošević and is for Milošević’s benefit. At first glance, this is no consolation at all for the hundreds killed and the tens of thousands of Albanians displaced. The Alliance’s withdrawal shows that the threat against Yugoslavia had been made more to preserve NATO’s image in international politics than with the aim of finding a definitive solution to the Kosovo tragedy. The issues of this problem and Kosovo’s future status have not only been a long-running process, but also a secondary concern. It is no coincidence that the international community is now calculating the humanitarian cost on the eve of winter more than the final political solution to the Albanians’ national question. The last-minute agreement came as expected, although the pressure for military intervention seemed not only serious, but also unavoidable. For the major international actors, the final decision was closely connected with Milošević’s political fate—and perhaps also with Mr. Holbrooke’s diplomatic career. Milošević began his political career with the Kosovo card, and losing it in any way would mean the end for him. Holbrooke, known in American politics for the Dayton negotiations, brought them to a close with the achievement of an agreement. Although at the time many called for the Kosovo issue to be included in the Dayton Agreement, Mr. Holbrooke and the others thought the moment was too unsettled and ignored this request. It is easy to imagine that Kosovo at Dayton would have been a magic card for compromise. After that agreement, Milošević was regarded as a partner for peace and Mr. Holbrooke as an architect! During the extremely difficult negotiations in the final hours, while the whole world anxiously awaited their outcome, Milošević and Holbrooke surely remembered their past days of success and seem to have understood each other’s future fate. A possible NATO attack on Yugoslavia would not only have punished Milošević and put him in a difficult position, but would also have been seen as a failure of Holbrooke’s mission, and the title “Architect of the Dayton Peace” would have lost its lustre. What is easier socially through the interventions of individuals, Holbrooke, in his capacity as ambassador, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State, Jean-Paul Sartre. The final ultimatum does not seem so tense or peace-making. In fact, another diplomatic experience for the Albanians has begun. Tens of thousands of Kosovars in the mountains, under the open sky and without food, are waiting. They are waiting for the ambushes and violence, first and foremost, to be dealt with. But fortunately, the people of Kosovo have their own policy. As promised, the criminals are expected to be sent to the International Court in The Hague. Those wretches are condemned to wait anxiously once again to see whether Milošević will keep his promise, since he considers the latest agreement a path toward a political solution to the Kosovo issue. After the storm, an armed attack on Yugoslavia may not even be contemplated; but if this does not lead to a final solution to the Kosovo issue, then reconciliation will be very far off.

On pages 2–3 The first among the secretaries at the pink headquarters. Islami, Rama and Dade, or Malaj, Blushi and Zela?

TIRANA GAZETTE The capital under water for 24 hours On page 5

DURRËS GAZETTE Çano gives the police a dressing-down On page 7

SHKODRA GAZETTE The famous Kanani is killed On page 6

On page 9