Six political parties sign the post-election pact in Italy. PS, PSD and PD sign. The small parties: This is betrayal. Page 3 The OSCE demand [it] for the elections. After 18:00, the observers at the hotel. CEC: The seals in a secret envelope. Kasaconi: Çupi is clean.

Here is yet another agreement to enter and leave the polling station peacefully on 29 June. But also to find out where the foundations of the future state will be laid. This time they have not come to reconcile us; rather, we have gone there. By military plane and with a draft agreement in hand, seven political parties were presented with an almost fait accompli in Rome. It is a pact intended to secure acceptance of the election results the following day, greater loyalty between government and opposition after the vote, expressed in an agreement to share government among many parties in the next executive, as well as the idea of linking [them] to the relinquishing of some key areas of governance—above all, state oversight committees—to the opposition parties. Yesterday, Albanian politicians were in Rome as distinguished guests of a religious foundation particularly concerned with regional and international political affairs. Having left for a few hours the poisoned atmosphere of an election campaign full of TNT and killings, the party leaders nevertheless failed to reach consensus on signing the document in question, splitting essentially over the issue of how the country should be governed the following day. While Nano, the most expected winner of the elections at the table, signed the document in front of him without debate, the rest of the right-wing parties, PR, PBK and PDD, refused to sign. Shehu’s signature, on the other hand, seemed readily foreseeable, since the Pact “paved” the way for the opposition of the future, which is expected to be represented mostly by his party. What divided the parties in Rome? Without a doubt, the way Albania will be governed tomorrow. On paper, what was proposed to the parties was more normal. In an old democracy such as Italy’s, the opposition takes on its responsibilities, which are embodied in leaving the state’s oversight apparatus to the parliamentary minority. The RTV, State Audit, etc. committees are headed by Italy’s opposition parties. This is a practice that has not been followed for some time on the political scene of the neighbouring country and has by now established its own tradition. But when a political rule of the game is to be transplanted into a completely inverted reality, such as Albania’s, we are dealing with an experiment whose outcome casts considerable shadows over the future of governance. By putting his signature to the Sant Egidio pact, Nano has in effect endorsed Blerim Çela remaining in his current post—the very person whose imprisonment he had gone to considerable lengths to secure. It cannot be believed that this is an act of clemency by the head of the PS, nor should it be viewed in that light. With Çela remaining in that post, and with the language [unclear] being revealed with those who have put [him] in this position, the socialist leader’s move may, on the other hand, be seen by those responsible as a prelude to a non-aggressive government. That may suit Western tastes, but not necessarily those who have decided to change something in the sea of injustices that has been drowning the country for the past five years. This seems to be where the right wing’s entanglement lies, but also in the fact that, for the tenth time, the PS and PD find themselves in the same political positions in situations such as this one in Rome. In the eyes of Godo and Selfo, another Italian city comes to mind: Trieste, where years ago Nano and Berisha had a dinner that cost the country five years of tribute. K.J.

Photo: GENT SHKULLAKU After returning from Rome, at Rinas military airport. From left: Selfo, Nano, Godo, Kalakulla, Bufi and Gjinushi.

Gunfire accompanies Berisha’s visit, even in his birthplace. But unlike previous times, this time automatic gunfire targeted the PD election posters featuring its candidate Azem Hajdari and members of the Presidential Guard. It all happened shortly before the start of Sunday’s rally in the town of Tropojë. After announcing the President’s appearance, the automatic rifle shots fired by the Allkaj clan did not stop until they had riddled all the posters that had been put up in the square. Resentment toward President Berisha, who was subjected to no shortage of insults and abuse, led these armed men to threaten even the drivers of the No. 1 figure of the Albanian State with death. The latest incident in the town of Tropojë is part of the serious events that have been marking the final days of the campaign for the 29 June elections. A.ÇELI

PS, PSD, PAD, PBDNJ and the Right Page 5