The date of the PD’s entry into Parliament remains a mystery. Six surface-to-surface missiles found in Gjirokastër; hope remains of finding the other 10

By Gavrosh Levonja Immediately after receiving the credentials, almost the entire “Nano 3” government cabinet will be in Rome, where the Italian side is eagerly awaiting it to begin discussions on the arrangements for economic aid and the recovery of institutions. As he travels to Rome, Prime Minister Nano may recall that gloomy trip to London six years ago, when nobody was waiting for him as he landed at London airport as prime minister of Albania’s last communist government. But many things have changed now. Unlike six years ago, more than anything else, the international community is now supporting the socialist prime minister. The haste with which it congratulated the formation of the government, and the statements expressing readiness to help it take its first steps toward the country’s recovery, speak very clearly of such support. Nevertheless, that is not everything. The government headed by Nano will face extremely serious challenges at home. In addition to the difficulties already known, it will have to confront the fierce opposition of Berisha’s PD opponents. Although he has only just moved into opposition, Berisha has already begun counting the days, declaring that he will return to power as soon as possible. Berisha is aware that the success of the government formed by his opponents depends entirely on foreign aid. But he also knows that the fundamental condition for that aid to arrive is the creation of a stable situation in the country. Bearing this in mind, Berisha will use every means at his disposal, including the parallel structures of SHIK or other armed groups, to keep the country gripped in the vise of destabilization. Regardless of the slogans, statements and unsubstantiated accusations against the government, the real battle between the government and the opposition concerns stability in the country. But Berisha is not Nano’s only opponent. The “anti-monochionist” faction within his party now seems to have begun to stir, and may soon become a reality. The parliamentary mandate held by most of Nano’s opponents, as well as their opposition to the government and to other bodies politicized by the socialist leadership, in a way helps the anti-monochionists’ campaign against the prime minister, who is also the party leader. The composition of the government formed by Nano could hardly fail to cause dissatisfaction among the anti-monochionists, since none of them was entrusted with a ministerial portfolio. It is impossible not to notice that even those who were appointed received posts of little importance. Such dissatisfaction could spur them to put a spoke in the wheels of the government, which is dominated by other people. According to various sources, some of its parliamentarians have threatened to withhold their votes unless the program of the government headed by Nano is withdrawn, if it is so unacceptable to them, before it seeks a vote of confidence in Parliament tomorrow. For the socialist prime minister, who came to power six years ago following a strike, this may be the decisive battle that will determine the future of his political career. In any event, the main danger to him comes from within.

Deputy Foreign Minister Ilir Meta and another anti-monochionist, Servet Pellumbi. Photo: A. BABANI

Interview: The First Lady speaks to “K” By Rudina Xhunga Pages 12–13

Even during these days, state TV continues to be one of the state’s most compromised institutions. Its leaders, apparently determined to play the PD’s cards to the very end, are filling public opinion with disinformation. Some of its journalists, without a shred of shame or professionalism, are resorting to all sorts of maneuvers to bring this very important national institution to ruin. A true example of scandal was the moment when Mr Rexhep Mejdani was elected President of the Republic: the TV executives had taken no measures to cover this historic moment accurately and in full, while they had been at Berisha’s side, with Vjollca Vokshi, both in front and behind ... It is therefore urgent that Parliament elect a new governing council for RTV, with appointments made on professional rather than party-political criteria, as they are now. This change need not be called “political purging,” since in itself it is a purge of the incompetent and corrupt. But TV should not be purged of politicians only to be filled with socialists. If things are done this way, then we will have achieved nothing except a reshuffling of sycophants, in which party loyalists move into positions and professionalism is shut out. N.K.