The return to Italy of 10,000 Albanians who left in March is postponed. Correspondence between Nano and Prodi; Italy on the verge of reviewing the repatriation date Passport scandal, Milo: Countermeasure ready. Pollo: I’ll hand the pistol directly to Cela. Communist Party moves into Hotel Arbana Page 3 The return to Italy of 10,000 Albanians who left in March is postponed. Correspondence between Nano and Prodi; Italy on the verge of reviewing the repatriation date Prodi postpones the refugees’ “battle” Passport scandal, Milo: Countermeasure ready. Pollo: I’ll hand the pistol directly to Cela. Communist Party moves into Hotel Arbana Page 3

If we are discussing the construction of the state apparatus, the only thing that immediately stands out is that the difficulties for Prime Minister Nano are becoming ever greater. Leaving aside the PD’s propaganda noise about the so-called “communist revanche,” which was something to be expected, problems are being created for Nano and his people from within. He is caught between two fires: on one side, his party’s activists, sometimes encouraged by local leaders, who want to be rewarded with posts for their sacrifices and contributions to the party’s victory or to the “overthrow of Berisha’s dictatorship”; and on the other, the smaller allies who, after putting the portfolios of several ministries in their pockets, are now demanding this or that deputy minister, prefect, department director, and so on. While negotiations and agreements on the division of portfolios are acceptable for ministers or state secretaries, given the political nature of these senior positions, such claims for lower- or middle-level posts seem senseless. First and foremost, it is necessary to instill in Albanians the idea that whoever takes charge of a government, or even of a simple office, has an unquestionable right to build their team according to their own preferences, without being obliged to satisfy demands coming from various quarters. Ultimately, that person will be held responsible for the successes or failures. Those who seek employment in the state administration and present party contributions as the only proof of their abilities show that they suffer from the mentality of the “partisan” era, viewing government positions as choice cuts to satisfy one person’s or another’s appetite. There is no other way to explain why, after the first appointments, PS offices in several cities across the country remain closed because some of their members are dissatisfied, having failed to get what they “deserved.” Mr. Nano himself understands that, fundamentally, the infamous Law 24/1 and the six-month courses that produced lawyers were devised solely to reward even the outstanding cadres of the PD’s “mingjive” [?]; therefore, there should be no repeating a similar mistake by replacing blue activists with pink ones. These years of pluralism have been enough for most people to demonstrate their abilities. The leaders of the PS and its allies have no reason to bargain over the division of deputy minister, prefect, or director posts. They can simply put forward lists of candidates for such positions, and Nano or his ministers can choose those they consider most suitable, without needing to observe quotas offered by the parties. If they were guided by such an approach in building the structure of the department they lead, there would be no reason to discuss the departure of people once appointed by the PD, who, after being tested, might prove far more capable than people from the victorious coalition. GAVROSH LEVONJA

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