T. Shehu returns from Greece: Everyone wants us to return. Berisha is the only one opposed. Page 3 T. Shehu returns from Greece: Everyone wants us to return. Berisha is the only one opposed Page 3 in! e for was e sh- ne as luhet a sh- eco- for- is need- mi- Sh- tes are”. r jas- çesh- ntëve ije, e ozitet e në rimet a sh- mi- ndojë e vjen kanë tiet denti uit të minis- mar- ehut, titetin an. Gre- itave par- ropi- ball- SIA

Ever since Albanians became acquainted with emigration, they have continually felt the effects of politics on their backs, with the Greek police sweeps being the most tangible example. But never more than now are the 5,000 Albanian refugees of March this year seeing themselves in the role of political hostages. Unlike on other occasions, the Albanians awaiting forced return at Italian ports are being used as instruments by everyone—both in Italy and in Albania. First and foremost, the Italian government is trying to benefit at their expense: by deporting a handful of Albanians at a time when the country is swamped by Africans and Asians, it is trying to convince its European partners that it is “honouring the Schengen agreements.” On the other hand, the insistence on repatriating the Albanians who arrived in March is also a consequence of pressure from Italy’s right-wing political forces, which have made the fight against immigration one of their favourite arguments against the left, although some left-wing parties in the governing coalition are pressing for the opposite, of course in order to demand new concessions from the coalition’s leaders. But those men, women and children who are ready to jump from ships or even “set themselves on fire” are also being exploited by Albanian politics. The government led by Mr Nano, in order not to create problems in its relationship with Italy—or, more accurately, in order not to lose Italy’s support—has naturally agreed to accept the 5,000 March refugees being transported from the “reception centres.” It has accepted the agreement with the Italian government, despite being aware that this group of repatriated people will add to its already unresolved problems. Mr Nano thus seems to accept that the problems exist, since acknowledging them would compromise his government’s image in the world. On the other hand, his insistence that they not return to Albania is one way of showing that the reality he promised is far off, or that his government officials are better—how else can one explain that the Albanians gathered at the departure points prefer death to returning to their homeland? Of course, Berisha and his party could not let such an opportunity go unused, and this is entirely logical in the context of politics. Yet, during these past five weeks, the Albanians, who have been turned into European “people,” have not experienced any preferential treatment. Berisha’s appeals have been the only, and insufficient, effort in this regard. GAVROSH LEVONJA

Around 20 departments begin work in the PD. P. 3 Around 20 departments begin work in the PD Berisha is building the new administration P. 3

The President’s adviser, Zogaj, explains the relations. P. 5 The President’s adviser, Zogaj, explains the relations A Presidency–Government crisis exists P. 5 The Republican leader calls for the agreement with the EC to be changed The death penalty is reinstated P. 5 The Franco-German proposal empowers extremists Dangerous situation in Kosovo P. 4 The ’98 budget and the three-year IMF agreement — Nano 3 is being examined again P. 10 The PD calls for gradual privatization, not liquidation Albanian banks, a mortgage for the Mafia P. 11 Driza remains in a “cell.” The “Limani” file goes to court “Grunjasi,” mysterious movement of money P. 7

A ship carrying Albanian refugees in March ’97. Today, the first 200 arrive in Durrës. Photo: BLEND ÇOTA

“At its head is a businessman from Greece. A phone call dictates the list of names at the Consulate” Visa smuggling. The scandal dominates the press Regarding visa smuggling, according to the BBC, reporters claim that at the head of it is a businessman from Greece, who works with an Albanian “mafioso” and calls the Consulate every day, dictating the names of the people who should receive visas. According to the press, this business is being conducted while many members of the Greek minority wait for months to obtain a visa, whereas the consul has never set foot in the minority areas. F 12