The geography of rebellions by socialists in the districts is expanding. After Vlora and Berat Ultimatum from Vlora: Ruçi here, or a hunger strike on Sunday. Page 3

BY ANDI BUSHATI If Nano still stands by his word from a few days ago about changes in the government, then the issue of the five-party coalition is seriously before the prime minister and the chairman of the PS. Immediately after Nano’s forceful speech, almost all his partners responded in the same vein; at best, they refused to have their people dismissed from the government. The Social Democrats, the Alliance members and PBDNJ all agreed. They all said that they had people who were “capable,” “courageous” or “dedicated.” They proposed that even if there were changes in the government cabinet, they should be made by consensus among the five parties, and not solely according to the prime minister’s wishes. Meanwhile, the prime minister’s office rejected such an idea (on the grounds that they had not been part of the coalition that chose the prime minister, but rather the party that won the elections), and the problem still seems unresolved. Essentially, all PS allies have intimated that if their seats are touched, the coalition is at risk, putting the prime minister before a choice: either to uphold his convictions and position, or the agreement among the parties. About seven months ago, Nano invited all his natural allies to join the government. Although the numbers allowed him to form a “pink” government, he said he needed both the Alliance and PBDNJ, both the PSD and the Agrarian Party. Nano confirmed that he wanted to preserve more or less the formula of the reconciliation government and to govern with as broad a base as possible. He made this one of the banners of his campaign in the West, wanting to remove as much as possible the red stain he had inherited. But from the very moment the government was being formed, Nano knew that the task he had to undertake was not among the easiest. He was aware that he could find a minister more active than Apostoli, better known than Solis, or more fashionable than Xhuveli. But this was his choice, both to escape the quagmire and to reassure the West that Albania, unlike its 555-year tradition, was now governed by a broad spectrum of political forces. Seven months later, the Nano government no longer faces the same problems. Its main concern is no longer establishing credibility or providing guarantees, but mobilizing people who can attract revenue through projects already approved by the West. And for this, Nano now needs not so much to work on his image as to play with it more. Even at the risk of reconsidering the coalition.

From France, testimony about the Deputy Prosecutor General Cizia Zyke recounts, after three years, his arrest and the pressure exerted by SHIK agents Bezhani’s files burn a senior official at the Ministry of Defense They made me understand “amicably” that they could let my file be forgotten in exchange for a sum of money. The deal was being directed indirectly by one of the state’s most prominent lawyers, Fatos Dervishi. “They” wanted 100 thousand dollars. I offered them 5 dollars, enough to buy a sandwich. In the end, I got rid of them. Through some of my acquaintances among senior officials, I learned that the investigation had been classified as “for lack of evidence,” but no one wanted to sign the authorization for my departure. P. 15

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Hunger strikes, the trend that has recently taken off F 32

The unusual news astonishes public opinion in Greece F 13

Major changes at the Kakavija customs office F 9

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Money traffickers dressed as diplomats Counterfeit dollars from embassies P. 2