Flames in the tender office. Law-enforcement forces on alert; firefighters arrive Late last night, Nano asks the police for help (Page 3) Flames in the tender office. Law-enforcement forces on alert; firefighters arrive Fire at the Prime Minister’s Office Late last night, Nano asks the police for help Page 3

BY YLLI PANGO These days, the newspaper “Koha Jonë” published an article by journalist Eton Abilekaj and a reply by Fatos Lubonja addressed to Bashkim Fino. It also published a bad reply by the latter to Lubonja. Without wanting to think that this is not merely a simple exchange of fire, but a real struggle for progress, which began here eight years ago between the first free press and all kinds of governments. To begin with, the weapon—the pen—was seized by a generation of strong journalists, completely unknown until then, and by some of the middle generation of intellectuals with progressive ideas and aspirations for the future. A whole army of Party of Labour scribblers vanished from the arena of the written word in the blink of an eye, and a new era began. Meanwhile, power hurried to seize, or leave in the hands of, a political class not yet formed as such, not very old in age, but deeply moulded in mentality by the kitchens of Marxism and totalitarian power. This class broke up into currents and undercurrents, parties and small parties, casting out the most discredited or rotten part of the former rulers and leaders of the Party of Labour, while retaining, in large part, the heirs, pupils or creations of this rot. Looking at the problem realistically in this way, and excluding from the large group of young journalists a portion of them (as a rule, the pure party loyalists, the least talented and most unscrupulous), who have been put at the service of ruling castes of whatever colour, the struggle between the press and governments of every kind can also be seen as a generational struggle. On one side is a young generation that, in the post-dictatorship period, seized the only weapon available, a powerful one but exceedingly dangerous to its own life; on the other is the privileged part of the middle generation, which seized power—or was left in power—with its party and its mentality. On one side, a new mentality without prejudice; on the other, the Machiavellianism and party atavism of those in power after ’90. Take careful note of their two styles of writing: there is far more art and civility in the press’s “attacks” on government officials than in the latter’s aggressive “defences.” Thus, it is no wonder that until this caste or political class is overthrown, whether in power or in opposition, the struggle between the press and governments of every colour in appearance, but of one colour at heart, will continue for a long time and be fierce. It is the struggle between progress and backwardness, between the young generation (not only in age) and the old one, likewise not only in age. It is the struggle between bad parents and troubled children. One of these “children” joked one day: “These guys (the government officials) will one day get up and take off in planes; they’ll run off to some corner of Europe to eat the money they’ve collected and tell us: ‘Forgive us, but now we have to leave you. Stay well.’ In short, like a whore’s bastard. And it’s no wonder at all. Didn’t this happen a little while ago?”

Page 2 U.S. Undersecretary of State Talbot and Prime Minister Nano, in Rinas. Photo: GENT SHKULLAKU

Vehbi Alimuçaj, interview from the villa where he is confined This is how I live under arrest VEFA boss: They have confined me to my home because I opposed the foreign company. I have nothing against the government Today is the twelfth day that Vehbi Alimuçaj has spent under house arrest. By law, he is required to remain in the villa he bought two years ago for his diamonds, from which he has not taken a single step for two weeks, since the court’s decision was communicated to him. Outside the black railings of the three-storey villa, there is not a single policeman in sight, while inside the boss’s constant bodyguards are inseparable from him. P. 32

The head of the Constitutional Court is forced to leave his office Police remove Rustem Gjata P. 5 Yesterday at noon, together with the two senior officials Secret meeting: Nano–Meidani P. 3 He has signed off on arming more than 500 “soldiers” Gazidede, arrest imminent P. 7 Those released by the Court of Cassation are not being protected Miloti: no police to guard him P. 9 Government decision: 130 employees leave Municipality, wave of dismissals P. 6 He had shot at a law-enforcement officer Life imprisonment for the killer P. 13 More than 70 Kurds return from the Greek border Kurds attack at Kakavijë P. 10