Charge: Fraud and large-scale theft from creditors Last night at midnight, dozens of police officers took the boss of VEFA and five financiers to Tirana prison Page 7

Although everyone’s eyes today are turned toward the Rome meeting, where the position to be taken toward Belgrade is expected to be articulated, hopes for success in this regard are faint, especially given the situation on the ground. Despite calls for dialogue, recent developments show that violent means are preferred. The theatre of operations of the Yugoslav army has now shifted to the Albanian border, and it has even made threats. Meanwhile, in Kosovo, people from the UÇK are calling for “total war against the Serbian occupier,” while in Belgrade Shesheli and others declare that “the sanctions will have no effect whatsoever on Serbia.” More than these factors, however, the division within the Contact Group over the position to be adopted against Belgrade is influential. As recently as now, European ministers mentioned the term “tightening sanctions,” while Moscow saw fit to level against Tirana accusations identical to those made by Belgrade. It was precisely such a division that prompted Washington a few days ago to threaten to break away from this group and launch an initiative of its own. Specifically, although three meetings of the Contact Group have been held so far, the effect has been zero. Calls for dialogue and warnings unaccompanied by concrete steps have only served as cover for Serbian military actions. As a result of the escalation of the conflict, a good part of today’s time will be spent not discussing Kosovo, but considering measures to prevent the conflict from spreading to Albania and Macedonia. Given such a situation, it is difficult to expect any important decision today. In addition to the circumstances mentioned above, there is something else. It is known that decisions are made by ministers, not by officials at the level represented today in Rome by the countries of the Contact Group. Experience so far has shown us that words alone are not enough to encourage “dialogue in good faith,” or “without prior conditions,” or to “halt the escalation of the crisis.” It now seems that the time has come for those who have managed the crisis to understand that violence must be used against those who pressure Kosovars to use violence and achieve their aims by force. Although the experience of the international community, represented by Bushi and Bonsjes, is still quite fresh, some members of the Contact Group may perhaps also be familiar with the agents. The role of the NATO airstrikes, which in some way brought Dayton closer, is well known. GAVROSH LLËVOJNA

Page 5 Yesterday at the Qafë Prushi border crossing, where fighting took place. Photo: REUTERS

Dissatisfaction in the parliamentary group. PS MPs accuse the party chairman over the changes “The Prime Minister has abandoned the people of his own party.” Rama’s appointment is opposed. “Not formally [unclear] of the coalition for deputy ministers, the Directors of Directorates.” Socialist MPs fiercely attacked the way the new government had been chosen by their leader and Prime Minister Fatos Nano. After the meeting of the PS KPD, at which the changes in the government were explained, a fierce debate again broke out within their ranks over the way chairman Nano had selected the new ministers. P. 3

Police chief dismissed; reasons not yet known Sokol Bare leaves his post P. 6 Movements of the Serbian army, Albania under threat USA: War is near P. 5 Former Defence Minister returns to PD after 13 months at headquarters Safet Zhulali returns to PD P. 2 Court of Appeal does not change the death sentence Vlora: death for the men from Berat P. 11

WRITTEN BY FRROK ÇUPI What do the pages of this book contain? The events of spring 1997 in Vlora. Why did the popular revolt, the largest in the Albanians’ revolution, begin in Vlora? What are Vlora’s connections with the entire Albanian side engaged in the necessary uprising to perfect the state? The essence of the Albanian spirit in Vlora and Albania, as well as the deliberate speculations against it. How did Berisha’s government attack Vlora? How did Vlora defend itself? Was Vlora going to attack Tirana? The festival of demonstration and the “Trojan Horse.” Vlora, a small state. Is Vlora a phenomenon unique to Albania, or also a second turning point for Eastern Europe? Did the Mafia have a hand in Vlora’s destruction? Who betrayed Vlora? Who, and why, drowned “Katër i Radhës”? How was Vlora manipulated to create the North–South division, even in the current government? Did Vlora, or official politics, defeat the “malok” Çupi? Can “Vlora” happen again? The book “Vlorë ’97” provides answers to such questions.