02/03/1999
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Koha Jonë

2 March 1999

NANO RETURNS TO POLITICS

THE FORMER ALBANIAN PRIME MINISTER WILL TAKE PART IN THE KPD MEETING ON 6 MARCH AND WILL RETURN TO PARLIAMENT People in the PS leadership have excluded Nano and Malaj from the working groups set up for the Congress, but the former Albanian prime minister's name was added to the list by Legisi. Nano will appear with an alternative different from that of his Party and may compete again for the post of chairman F 2

Thaçi's mysterious visit to Meidani

F 4

Ambulances transport Kurds

F 7

KESH, going door to door with a club — those who don't pay have their electricity cut off

F 8

Hilli's efforts to save the Rambouillet agreement

F 11

Greece and Macedonia control our rivers — electricity depends on our neighbors

F 15

SOROS will pay Albanian intellectuals four times more to stay in Albania

F 17

A rare historic moment

Opinion A rare historic moment Should the agreement be signed? By Kastriot Islami It is truly a historic moment. Naturally, deciding on a historic problem at a historic moment is a burden with historic consequences, all the more so because the positive sense of the passage of time does not allow history to be tested. Hesitations are natural, as are differences. To be a fighter or a politician in Kosovo at this historic moment is a sacrifice, but also a historic responsibility. That is why unification is needed, as is a broad consensus. The differences and the difficulty of reaching consensus are tied to the many questions that arise for all Albanians. What is the relationship between the people's will for self-determination, securing international support, and the liberation struggle? Must there be a peaceful bloodshed, which apparently proceeds through battlefields, discussions, meetings, conferences, and transitional agreements? How loyal is the International Community in finding a just, long-term solution? Could it be that the International Community, with deep divisions among the main forces of global politics, seeks to impose a partial solution simply to temporarily close the Kosovo crisis? How is it explained that after Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia, and Macedonia broke away from Serbia, a transitional agreement speaking of substantial autonomy is being envisaged for the Albanians of Kosovo? And so on, and so on—the questions coming from newspapers, the internet, fighters in Kosovo, politicians, analysts... But the most pragmatic question is: Should the Transitional Agreement be signed at the meeting in France? (Continued on page 10)