The loan file at the Port is laid bare. The minister seeks to benefit from the tender Deputy Minister of Transport: More than 1 million dollars are at stake The loan file at the Port is laid bare. The minister seeks to benefit from the tender Shuli accused over the Port of Durrës Deputy Minister of Transport: More than 1 million dollars are at stake page 13

GAVROSH LEVONJA For several days, opposition leader Berisha, in his analyses of the situation in the Socialist Party, has increasingly emphasized the continuing loss of authority of Fatos Nano, who, according to his opponent, is a “partner without value” because “nobody listens to him anymore.” Indeed, in a television program two days ago, Berisha said that “Nano has now become an employee who deals with the Party Statute.” From one point of view, such assessments by the opposition leader might be taken as an excuse for sidestepping the idea of starting a dialogue between the two major figures in Albanian politics, something that Berisha might perhaps not welcome. But such a hypothesis is quickly disproved; it is enough to analyze recent developments in the SP and, especially, the relations between the largest party in the coalition and the government led by Meta. After the congress, at the moment of the “great compromise,” when Nano gave Meta the mandate to be Prime Minister, at a time when Meta, from the position of Majko’s supporter, had declared that “if Nano wins, I will give up my party functions,” it was thought that the party leader would, through party mechanisms, keep the Prime Minister under strict control, with the latter carrying out the role of a “kamikaze.” It would not be long before those who had expected Nano to dominate the situation would realize they were mistaken. While Nano began dealing with the Party Statute and its “modernization,” Meta consolidated his control over the executive. Little by little, it would be the executive that “called the shots” over the party, while Meta and the other officials vested with power would pay no heed to the Party Statute. While they loudly trumpeted the establishment of discipline and order within the party, it is unclear how Nano felt when Meta and Socialist ministers ignored the article of the Statute requiring them first to give up one of their positions in the Party or the state. In this case, Nano could have convened the party’s highest forums, including the Congress, to punish those violating the Statute. However, seeing that a good number of his supporters, left without positions, had become opponents, he did not dare take any step in that direction, fearing he would find himself in the minority. This was also evident in the months of silence that followed Nano’s accusations of corruption against the Meta government. But the most flagrant case was that involving the deputy foreign minister, Blushi, where Nano would accept defeat with his tail between his legs. Specifically, in the vote on the “Blushi” issue, of the seven who were considered Nano’s people, only one would vote in favor while the others would abstain.

Page 3 Prodi-Meta, a difficult meeting

The first office opens in Tirana. The police will cooperate to protect them from their pimps Albania, too, now has an office where foreign prostitutes can find refuge. Representatives of the UNHCR, through the ICMC organization, have for some time been setting up office-houses in Tirana and in the districts, where girls who are forcibly trafficked toward the West are taken into protection. There they receive psychological care for a time and are then sent back to their homes at the organization’s expense. What is unusual is that until now these offices have operated in complete secrecy, taking on the risks that accompany the girls. However, to turn this into a fully public institution, the Albanian police are holding discussions with the UNHCR. page 23

Director Dervishaj accuses Rehani Memushi Page 7