Government officials exceed their salary limits on food expenses alone One minister spends on a single lunch the equivalent of three and a half pensions Government officials exceed their salary limits on food expenses alone Ministers: Suspicious money for expensive restaurants[?] One minister spends on a single lunch the equivalent of three and a half pensions page 12

Edi Lesi Although Sali Berisha has suffered because of his stubbornness toward the West, this time too he is compelled to insist on his demand for early elections, contrary to what the international community has long stated: the only elections on the horizon are local ones. There is an arithmetical argument that has been somewhat overlooked, but which in fact explains why Berisha is calling for political developments outside the normal course—a dangerous show of force in the eyes of the international and regional advocates of calm and political stability in Albania. If we recall that in the last local elections, in October 1996, Berisha won almost 90% of local government, this also explains the Democratic leader’s desire to preserve that zenith fanatically. The only way is to postpone the new local elections for as long as possible, since, naturally, in the current situation he would perhaps not achieve even half the success he had four years ago. Not only that, but if Berisha were to win in the autumn elections, even with 80%, the Socialists would retain the right to say they had gained 10% more compared with the last elections. The psychology of an increased percentage could accompany the representatives of the majority toward a positive result in the parliamentary elections a year later. The exact opposite would happen with Berisha. If his power in local government were to decline, the psychology of defeat could also determine the parliamentary elections. In short, Berisha already considers the local elections lost at this point, and thus the general elections are also entirely in doubt. Meanwhile, if parliamentary elections were to take place, it would not be surprising if the Democratic Party increased its number of representatives in parliament to a level far above the 27% won by today’s opposition in June 1997. And this increase, however minimal, would help preserve the electoral peak Berisha reached in the last local elections. However, the façade that Berisha is provoking along the normal path of political development—the demand for local elections, support for electoral legislation, the CEC, etc., and the presentation of a very short law, according to the DP, to define election campaigns—will in one way or another come to Berisha’s aid in the face of the local elections. The local elections may be held, but they will be surrounded by all kinds of disputes; all of this will be laid at the Socialists’ door because they are in power and control all the necessary infrastructure, and have prepared all the conditions for normal elections.

The Albanian voices of Celentano Page 27 The Albanian voices of Celentano. Page 27

The Socialist Party, the spotless face against Nano and Meta The appearances, from time to time, of different factions or groups within the PS have now become a common phenomenon. Although these groups are in the political arena, they often find a cohesion of interests that have nothing to do with politics. In such cases, alliances based on economic interests predominate. The situation is different, however, with the latest grouping in the PS, which has begun to take shape rapidly. It is a faction whose “heads” are former Prime Minister Majko, former Finance Minister Malaj, and former Deputy Foreign Minister Blushi. Page 2

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