One minister spends as much for a lunch as three and a half pensions Government officials exceed their salaries only with food expenses

EDI LESI Sali Berisha, although he has suffered, among the main figures, from fragmentation, and so much so that the leaders are left in doubt before those grouped around the request for early solutions are asked for, has nevertheless argued with his head and with contributions from time to time and to the end that the only elections that disappear are the local ones. This argument reaches the debates, but in fact it appears to be a tip-off as soon as Berisha seeks political noise; it is normal material, from self-centredness, with one eye on the opposition and the anti-camp politicians, to try to find the stability of parliament. Everything will come together, if not in a lash, then in Berisha’s landscape, which wants something else. 90% of the north-eastern fund that the government allocates for democracy, to suffocate this area fanatically, and the very shortcomings of prolonged governance in the field as a barricade for the future, as half of the local elections, since the obviously strained and forced move will not achieve anything with the successes of the other? The trophy, nothing else, is the jealousy of a government brought to power by the ballot. Why, in Berisha’s elections, have they inserted 10% more into the mechanism than the latest parties? The psychology of bloody victory still does not think of lasting with honor and the parliamentary institutions into which he entered, dragged in by the last electorate. If the percentage you, who want local power, falls, the psychology of a general defeat with a local victory will expand this kind of catastrophism too. There is some sarcasm, and Berisha’s abilities cast doubt on local elections, and thus they are set in motion with a parachute-like leap toward parliamentary politics, is that not so? A government cannot lose, even by losing a local election. What it presents today as gold with the aggression of '97, not a very democratic time, from a level much higher than that of Braka? '97, which made a dominant omen in political debates, will therefore be the second counter (if the number of those who left is not) in the number of the others in the parliamentary ones, is that not simple. The local environment will be the contrived fortress of the majority’s defeat, which still insists that the moral accounts will be settled by local government if not by the party. The government went on uncertainly with little thought; Berisha will do it in a prolonged cry. Because, with the full possibility of electoral resurgence, KoZ-i is no longer just a minor party or a political development; then after the local elections, if Berisha had it a little easier and unmatched, he would need the subsequent ones and, if not by vote, then by the advocates and they show everyone who. The mechanism after that? they are also in power and show everyone who. In this case, the "trophy" is the noise, not anyone’s normal one.

Page 12 The Albanian voices of Gelentano Page 27 Patria Socialiste, the spotless face against Nano and Meta PS, the third line starts Dali Shehi defends with all the finesse of an opportunist or opportunism in the PS’s grip, now a celebration in ordinary wisdom. Those groups, regardless of the fact that they were born with every kind of divorce and circumstance, have nothing to do with politics. At the same time, the weakened horizon and cohesion mean the refraining choice of the individual - a dominating link with a base of three inter- Prime Minister Meta: Control at the Port of Durrës

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