The challenge that Alla, the former head of the dictatorship, issued to the anti-communist students—who were not seeking their own interests, but a democratic Albania—is unprecedented. It is unprecedented because the student movement was unprecedented: the students’ heroism, their persistence, their hope and conviction that only pluralism and democracy would ensure national survival; because such was the liberated intellectual spirit, and because active collaborators of the State Security service and the sons of former ministers of the dictatorship were also absent. Thanks to student naivety, a lack of personal knowledge of the ideal figures in the DP, and popular hope for an entirely new society, R. Alia’s former emissaries penetrated as far as the DP’s governing councils. In this light, Pashkëçko’s statements about not publicly attacking R. Alia and about severing diplomatic relations with the DP now make sense. “You play your game and I’ll play mine. Let’s see who wins.” (R: Alia; 11 December 1990; at the meeting with the students). - The DP and democratic forces in Albania have moved and are moving months behind student opinion. - Many active collaborators of the State Security service also joined the DP as an anti-communist front. - For the sake of power and political ambitions, they sold their honor, virtue and intellect. - The Ramizist wing in the DP, before 22 March, de facto founded DP-2. - They accepted the will of the vote only when it suited them; otherwise, they saved themselves from being convicted. - On 26 July, the DP did not campaign against the PS, but against the Ramizist wing within the DP. …tual, because this was the backdrop and rhetoric of political actions in political pluralism. At that time, the students co-founded the DP and gave the intellectuals they had brought in the right to lead the legal opposition. With this, the students withdrew to their lecture halls, only to rise—regardless of politicians’ wishes—in strikes against the dictator. From February ’91 until now, students have been eliminated from active politics, thereby accomplishing what was in RAMIZ ALIA’s interest. In every instance, the facts show that the DP and democratic forces in Albania moved and acted months behind student opinion. The DP was an anti-communist front and the only party formed in the large lecture hall. As such, it welcomed thousands of citizens into its ranks, some of whom had been … of the student movement and had not been candidates in R. Alia’s constituency: P. Zogaj’s statements defending E. Hoxha and Ramiz Alia as president; Qupi’s statements against the DP at its most critical moments and his repeated interviews with R. Alia the day after the DP deputies discredited him; N. Çeka’s statements and association with R. Alia at home and abroad, and the defense he gave on 21 February ’91 to the bloc of R. Alia’s dynasty, alluding to dictatorship in the DP when it existed only in his plans; N. Tozaj’s statements against the laws of the democratic Parliament, against dual citizenship and against economic reform; A. Imami’s statements defending R. Alia and (Continued on page 2)

The broad democratic movement is changing an entire ideological, political, social and economic system. The successes on this irreversible path of change are considerable, and credit is due to all those who joined the ranks of the democratic forces, opposing dictatorship and communism with all their strength of spirit. Among these forces, a special role fell to the Democratic Party, which brought forth and shaped its leaders. They became leaders and gained authority not simply through their own special merits, but even more through the powerful moral support, dedication and democratic actions of tens of thousands of DP members and supporters. For the great work many DP leaders have done in the service of democracy, they deserve the respect due to them, and no one has denied or withheld it. But respectful deference in no way means a cult. ENOUGH of the cults that have made us sick, imposed on us by the party-state, which we dealt an irreparable blow! Viewed through the lens of democracy, the position of the leaders of a truly democratic party must be quite different. First, the DP cannot be the party of one class or a particular stratum of people, as the PPSH proclaimed itself the party of the working class. It cannot be the party only—or primarily—of intellectuals, but must be the party of all those who have suffered more or less and who want Albania, where we wish to live, finally to set out on the road to democracy and a market economy. We point this out because, for some time, certain DP leaders (especially a year ago, Preç Zogaj) have been playing the same tune, trying to gather intellectuals around themselves, chiefly those of the elite (on the grounds that they are leaving us). What does this lead to? Some leaders, to whom we once looked with confidence, are trying to present themselves as the elite of the intelligentsia, as people chosen by Divine Providence to be leaders and heroes (and nothing else)—and, why not, as the only ones entitled to democracy. These gentlemen forget that ideas and all kinds of new forms… Here we have seen the issues these gentlemen raised at the meeting of the DP National Council. We are not against a diversity of views or opinions on different matters in the Party’s practical work, since it is precisely the lack of this that we have suffered from. But for the leaders of a movement and a party to abandon the positions of fierce political struggle, while people at the grassroots are doing everything possible to prevent the social-communists from taking revenge for their historic defeat, seems to us to go far beyond some leaders’ desire for diversity of ideas. It seems to us that these DP leaders, having achieved some of their aims by reaching the top, having travelled around Europe and the world—a matter we have not begrudged them, because we were glad that it served higher purposes—now feel that what they have achieved is not enough. The posts they hold seem somewhat low to them, and they seek (out of some jealousy of their peers or because of objectives set by others) to present and establish themselves as the head of the intellectual elite, creating a grouping within the DP, and perhaps outside it too, with new ideas, platforms and visions, supposedly tailored to these enlightened minds. Does anyone need this luxury now, and these labels of “intellectuals” and “experts,” when we have so many current, everyday problems to solve? Why are the gods dissatisfied? Because they consider themselves the cream of the intellectuals! But then we should ask ourselves: are we, as intellectuals, working for progress? Many of them hold posts in DP sections and work with a dedication that does not diminish but grows over time. And we do this even as we see that many party leaders at the center neither concern themselves with nor want to know how organized it is, how it functions, what “should” be done, and how its organizational side should be strengthened, since its successes or failures depend on that. They snap at us about other concerns that we do not know about, while the dictator, in a moment of modesty—or, better put, hypocrisy—said: “We are not the heads, let alone the big heads…” “We are not Zeus’s head. You are—but so are we.” But where do these gods of democracy get this divine power from?? You are right: more than anything, they are the “Trojan Horse” of democracy and, as such, must be purged. Therefore, in this democratic movement, let it not hold its head high and allow itself to be flattered and cajoled by the tentacles sent out by the red spider, which wants to suffocate democracy; instead, let it look down with its head bowed, to better understand where a leader’s strength and authority come from. PAVLLO KOJA

At all the meetings and conferences of the Democratic Party, representatives of the student movement, members of the Democratic Party’s Student Branch, have clearly expressed their firm opinion: No to the diametrically opposed political positions of a group of members of the Party Presidium, which conflict with the Party’s program and activities: Enough of the cult of the initiator: Many of them were not initiators, or joined this movement with malicious aims; No to the left-wing revanche within this party: No to compromise with commun- [the rest of the word is not visible] (Continued on page 4)

As reported on Monday, 10:8:1992, the Extraordinary Conference of the Democratic Forum held its proceedings in the meeting hall at the DP. The initiative of the student organizers and the former deputy chairman, together with several Forum leaders, also received serious support from the district branches, which were properly represented. In his opening remarks, A. Li- [text continues beyond the edge] … on our political stage, as well as internationally. The Forum had always acted contrary to the decisions of the DP Founding Council and was used by certain elements on behalf of political clans within the DP. Mr. Selami also spoke about the new way of organizing, involving a complete restructuring, with new powers at the center and… … of the DP. The statement by the Forum’s leadership group calling for the severing of ties with international organizations was described as anti-democratic, and it was demanded that R: Peshkëpia and his clan be removed from every leadership position. At the meeting, A: Hajdari spoke, saying that the Forum should not be in opposition to the DP, but should be part of it, and grow? And we do this even when we observe that many party leaders at the center do not even concern themselves with... PD; The students’ initiative; organizations...; The students’ initiative; youth organizations and former deputy chairmen, along with several leaders of the Forum; serious support also came opening speech, A. Lika sharply criticized the obstructive work of the Forum’s previous leaders, substantiating each criticism. After a statement by the current leaders of the Democratic Forum was read, in which they stressed that they not only boycotted and did not recognize this conference, but would also, in a threatening manner, notify all youth organizations in the world that relations would be severed, the situation became very tense. A. Lika called this the best proof that his criticisms were justified. Then Mr. Selami, chairman of the PD, addressed the conference and stressed that “the PD has been separate from the Democratic Forum because it has not recognized it, because it has existed artificially, because the Forum acted as an opposition against the PD.” He said that none of the Forum’s actions could be justified; its leaders had used the Forum for personal purposes, instead of dealing with... The statement by the Forum’s leadership group called for breaking ties with international organizations, and it was requested that R. Peshkëpia come into his own camp and be removed from every leadership position. Mr. A. Hajdari spoke at the meeting and said PD, but should be part of it, and should have its own representatives on the PD National Council. At the end, voting was held, and it was decided to elect a new leadership for the Forum’s new organization until the National Conference, which was scheduled to take place at the end of October ’92. In a secret ballot, Arben Lika was elected the new chairman of the Forum, along with the other 10 members of the Forum’s leadership. It was also decided, on the basis of proposals made earlier, to ask the PD leadership to co-opt the Forum chairman onto the PD Steering Committee and its other representatives onto the PD National Council. It was decided that all of this should be reported as soon as possible to the international organizations to which FRD is affiliated. Correspondent of “RD”

On his way back home, Yugoslav Prime Minister Milan Paniç made a working visit to Tirana and held talks with Albanian Prime Minister Aleksandër Meksi. In his remarks, Albanian Prime Minister A. Meksi emphasized that the Albanian government is concerned about the situation in the Balkans and the danger posed by armed conflicts in the region; for us, this concern is twofold: we are neighbors, and half of the Albanians in the former Yugoslavia are at risk from the flames of war. It is clear, Mr. Meksi went on to stress, that dialogue is essential in order to put an end to an aggression that is causing unnecessary casualties. The government (Continued on page 4)

— Notice from the Directorate of the Financial Police — 1. During inspections at the workers’ supply enterprise in Fushë-Arrëz concerning the management and distribution of sports goods, the Pukë Financial Police Branch found the following violations: - Sports goods were sold directly from the kitchens for cash. The main cause of these serious abuses was the distribution carried out by NFP, which supplied the sector kitchens with excessively large quantities. Calculations show that, at the workers’ unit canteen, an employee consumed; at the canteen of the unit for two employees, an employee consumed 8 kg of sugar, 4 kg of powdered milk, 6 kg of pasta, 4 kg of butter, 8 kg of cooking oil, 5 kg of beans and 2.6 kg of cheese, all of this, according to the calculation, in one day! 1. All the documentation (the delivery orders for these distributions) was found to be based on a report drawn up by … In the accounts, merceloglu and an inventory clerk [acted], under the pretext that the distribution had been carried out regularly. Such an act, intended to cover their tracks, constitutes a clear case of corruption. The Pukë Financial Police Branch identified 12 people, documented some of the forged signatures, and … with some of the employees implicated in this matter. The warehouse keeper of NTSH was also referred for criminal prosecution. (Continued on page 4)

There is no need to mention the inhuman, anti-democratic actions of the dictatorship from its very beginnings. You too should have distanced yourself from them, since you have embraced European socialist ideals. And yet, I am surprised by your explanation of the word revanchism. You say: “We are concerned by manifestations of political, religious, moral and social revanchism, which stem from the rise to party or parliamentary positions of certain elements, collaborators with fascism, who are demanding the return of their property and social interests.” And further on you continue, clarifying your thought more explicitly: “The threats to democracy posed by revanchist actions and those of a socially destabilizing nature refer first and foremost to the official demand for the return of all properties and real estate by a certain group of today’s population, who owned them for well-known historical reasons before the War.” I will never understand why democracy would be harmed if, for example, the democratic state returned to Professor Doctor Arben Puto the house that communism confiscated from him. Rather than stopping at one name (and may he and the others I mention without going into detail forgive me), I note that many scientific figures, now well known for their patriotic stance, have a legitimate claim to the homes, shops and plots that the PPSH nationalized in the most absurd manner, by decree or without decrees. So, Mr. Asti Papa, the Bldoshi family, the Kaceli family and many other citizens were not collaborators with fascism. In those infamous nationalization lists, which include Decree 801 of 1950–51, as well as the later ones, you will find a great many honest people whom you have no right to insult by accusing them of revanchism. No, sir, they are simply asking the democratic state to return what communism took from them in violation of every law, including the law recognizing private property, which your party also supports. Or are you in favor of recognizing the private property (wealth) that is being amassed by your former comrades—now traders and businessmen—such as Shpend Zota, Rrapush Meta, Aleko Cami, Hysen Shahu, and even the Gradeci family, to keep this list from getting any longer, because bank loans were granted very easily to former communists or socialists, especially during the Stabilization Government. I have no objection to these former PPSH officials, once favored, now doing business. If they conduct their activities in accordance with the law, I wish them success with all my heart, because we live in the days of democracy and class struggle. But if you accept their wealth, or that of Albanians coming from other countries, or even that of foreign investors, why are you not in favor of returning the property to honest people from whom it was seized 45 years ago? Even if you do not agree with this reform, you have no right to call my request, or my family’s request, to have our property returned within the limits of the law, a revanchist act of a destabilizing nature. On the contrary, the return of property (the necessary law on recognition of ownership requires the relevant amendment) would help stabilize the situation and ease discontent, because in this regard both the President, Mr. Sali Berisha, and Mr. Meksi’s government are acting very slowly. They must not forget that the land... (Continued on page 2) ..., but if we do not notify [?] ... the President... [text cut off and illegible] ... SPAHIU