The Polish trap with meat for democracy
Commenting on the statements and censures of the American press and any violation of human rights and freedoms, the leader of the Democratic Party of Albania, Mr. Berisha, made the following statements yesterday:
FIRST LESSON:
The demonstrations broke out from the need to set aside the government's economic policy, which had until then dominated the country's life. They came out in defense of press freedom, but they were characterized by two features. First, industrial plant workers took part in them, the workers of the country's largest factory complex. This does not happen in our country. Second, they were organized by the free trade union "Solidarnost," which is still today the largest union in Poland. It has its own press and the proper organizational infrastructure. This does not happen either with Albanian trade unions or with Albanian parties. In any case, I believe that Albanian students would make a gross mistake if they were to start from conclusions drawn from the Polish phenomenon.
SECOND LESSON:
It should be clarified that "Solidarnost" showed the government and the secret services complete instability. Its opposition to power had a broad base and a much wider resonance. The comparison does not hold here. Albanian power is completely different; its institutions have democratic legitimacy and a pluralist base. Any mechanical analogy helps no one.
THIRD LESSON:
Browsing the Polish press makes it clear that there was an organized opposition at work there, with many means, with internal and external links. This is a dimension that does not exist in Albania in the same way. Our students, if they think of repeating foreign scenarios, must know that our reality has a different social structure and a different political sensitivity.
Yesterday, on 21 September 1992, in the Polish press, "Trybuna," close to the Democratic Left Alliance, an article by Sllawomir Sawicki was published titled "The Polish trap with meat for democracy," in which the author described the state of December 1989, 21 months after the communist regime had been overthrown and two years after the legalization of "Solidarnost." He recalled the events that turned liberalization into open political confrontation and economic protest into an instrument for toppling the government.
The article says that a mere spark from the shortage of meat on the market was enough to create a chain of reactions that culminated in student protests. Part of the press and propaganda presented it as a democratic revolt, whereas the author sees it as a scenario used by forces interested in covering up economic failures and regaining political power.
If compared with the Albanian case, says Mr. Berisha, the lessons are clear: Albania is not Poland at the beginning of the transition. We have political pluralism, we have a free press, we have a parliament and institutions born of the vote. This means that anyone who tries to stir unrest with economic pretexts or false democratic calls is not serving democracy but destabilization.
There are forces that seek, through indirect routes, to restore a climate of distrust toward reforms. But reforms cannot be stopped. Temporary sacrifices do not justify going backward. No temporary shortage on the market can become an alibi for attacking the constitutional order and the legitimacy of institutions.
In the end, the author of the Polish article stresses that everything began as a reaction to rationing, but turned into a political instrument. This is also the essence of the warning: not to allow social dissatisfaction to be manipulated by those who do not accept the election results and the democratic path of the country.
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