The whole front page is black. Black in order to support the exhaustion of a black voice; a great blackness awaits us. Our chairman may leave us in good health. The entire front page is an obituary. The black ZP will be remembered for only a few days: during the period April 11–15, 1993. And if later it should have to formally abandon that stance (it is bound to it heartlessly and in advance), its editor-in-chief, in order to brighten the page a little, does not foresee that such an act may perhaps be required of him again in the future toward the current chairman. Despite this whole black page, it remains black. The mourning has come, the mourning has been found! SIL. LUKU

The communist dictatorship was born and lived for nearly half a century in Albania solely through crimes, threats, imprisonment and the most arbitrary internments that human beings have ever experienced. Its founders and successors have never had, and to this day still know, no other language, no other supreme “law.” Terror and fear have been and remain their most favored and only weapons. Yesterday the newspaper “ZP,” the half-century-long embodiment of this undeniable truth, in large letters followed its own “glorious” path with fidelity: as the spiritual gendarme of the Albanian people, it threatened Albanian justice in the most brutal and unscrupulous manner. On its front page it threatens the representatives of justice in a democratic country, saying that they “will answer very soon.” This is open social-fascist-style pressure on the organs of justice. Today’s social-communists, the tragic remnants of Enver Hoxha’s feudal-fascist dictatorship, apparently cannot understand the new realities in Albania. They still think they can impose their law on justice and manipulate it as they once did when they were in power. These gentlemen forget that their time has quietly and completely come to an end in Albania, and that the history of the new democratic Albania has driven them off the stage—with all their criminal baggage. Instead of answering for yesterday’s crimes, these gentlemen will meet the predictable end that awaits them. BASHKIM TRENOVA

To the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Tirana On the basis of the complaint materials submitted by the State Audit Service on 6.5.1993, the Tirana District Prosecutor’s Office has opened criminal proceedings for the offence of abuse of office, provided for under Article 106 of the Criminal Code. Both the complaint materials and the investigations carried out show that the handling of aid granted to our country by the Italian Government during the period when Fatos Nano was Prime Minister caused considerable economic damage amounting to 8,433,064,836 lek. In bringing about this consequence, alongside the responsibility borne by other persons, criminal responsibility also appears to attach to Deputy Fatos Nano, who, through unlawful acts and omissions, abused his office, committing the offence provided for under Article 106, and falsified official documents, an offence provided for under Article 110 of the Criminal Code. Fatos Nano’s abuse of office consists of the following: Contrary to the Regulation on the conclusion of international treaties and agreements, approved by Decision No. 243 of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, dated 27.01.1978, and amended by Decision No. 292 dated 21.01.1983, Mr. Fatos Nano, as Chairman of the Council of Ministers, did not assign the relevant ministries and did not convene the Council of Ministers to discuss and approve the text of the draft agreement for the delivery of Italian state aid, in which the rights and obligations of each party should have been specified concretely. By sidelining the role and powers of the Council of Ministers, he issued unlawful orders and instructions concerning the delivery, inspection and mediation of Italian aid, thereby bypassing the role of other specialized bodies responsible for authorizing this aid and creating an overall system for receiving and distributing it, in accordance with the relevant legislation. Mr. Fatos Nano, contrary to the proper performance of his duties, accepted and allowed the Italian company “Levanto” Co to be selected to deliver aid to our country, in violation of Italian Law No. 49 of 1987, which requires a tender to be announced to find the company offering the best guarantees and the most favorable terms for the delivery of goods. Taking advantage of the government’s failure to make specific agreements and of the Albanian side’s failure to inspect the goods in terms of quantity, quality, type and prices, this company sent surplus goods that were unnecessary and very expensive, directly contributing to the serious economic consequences. In this connection, although Fatos Nano was officially informed on April 8 and May 2, 1991, he took no necessary measures to prevent this. The evidence shows that Mr. Fatos Nano, abusing his office beyond his authority and without the Council of Ministers’ approval, authorized, in his own name, on 28.02.1991, the representative of the company “Iliria Holdings,” Hajdin Sejdina, to bring to Albania the commercial and financial representative of “Levesris,” and granted the company unlawful favors in the conduct of its activities. In addition to the above, there is evidence that Fatos Nano, as Prime Minister, adopted and signed decisions in the name of the Council of Ministers even though the protocols and minutes do not show that Council meetings were held; instead, meetings of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers were held. This has been established in the case of Decision No. 120 dated 28.03.1991, “On the amount of rent and tax rates for the premises of Iliria Holding taken from NT,” and Decision No. 121 of the same date, “On the establishment of the joint company ‘Iliria tursto’.” These acts also constitute elements of the falsification of official documents. On these grounds, on 25.07.1991 the Tirana District Prosecutor’s Office requested that we ask the People’s Assembly to lift Deputy Fatos Nano’s immunity so that the investigation could proceed. Accordingly, pursuant to Article 22, paragraph three, of Law No. 741, dated 29.04.1991, “On the Main Constitutional Provisions,” we request that the lifting of his immunity be submitted to the People’s Assembly for consideration, in order to carry out investigative actions concerning Deputy Fatos Nano. Tirana, 26.7.1993 Prosecutor General ALUSH DRAGOSHI

The communist leader, longtime associate of Nexhmije Hoxha, loyal and obedient soldier of R. Alia, prime minister who closed the National University and drove thousands of students, workers and prisoners into hunger strikes, the gendarme of the April 2 massacre, author of Enverist speeches, anti-Albanian in his statements with PASOK, Enver’s Fatos, pioneer of Ramiz Alia and Nexhmije, is not christened by Nanik’s Tandor, but named by Thanas (Taras) as Fatos Nano. He came to lead the PSSH amid the shouts of Hysni Milloshi and the caresses of Ramiz Alia. This species, found in the ruins of the Bolshevik communism of the PPSH, has the great fortune that few ever get: to appear before justice and prove their guilt or innocence against the accusations made against them. His statements in Zëri i Popullit, and those of Enver Hoxha, brought nothing beyond the admiration of some pensioner; all they brought were calls to teach the democratic government a lesson, and nothing more than the prospect of rotten tomatoes and eggs smashed against their heads. With the charge of having stolen 9 million dollars, Nano went at the head of the “terror” among “ordinary people,” only to end up where demagoguery and hypocrisy end: under the armed gaze of Shkodër, greeted not with flowers and decorations but with rotten eggs and tomato sauce. His military company was torn apart as it accused Albania of dictatorship and the KSB and KEN. They cried “dictatorship,” yet accepted us into the ranks as a “regime,” and so on. Nano’s little men, his policemen and presidential candidates, shouted themselves hoarse denying the success of economic reform, while the IMF, as a “regime,” signed the agreement for another three years—a mandate no other country in Eastern Europe obtained. He and his noisy entourage shouted themselves hoarse, but did not succeed in stopping people from showing respect for the democratic government, while Egon Klepsh, Manfred Vredner and many other well-known men respected it and thanked us for our perseverance and success. Nano and his supporters yelled accusations at us, calling us dictators and anti-Albanian, while the first “great man of the world,” Pope John Paul II, wished us well, congratulated and blessed us. Nano and his entourage came late to accuse us of being foreigners over the dispute with the Greeks, but America, Germany, Italy, the CSCE and the EC quickly came to our side and praised the democratic stance of the Albanian government. It is clear that the PS and those who have been deprived of privileges wanted, when they came to Parliament, to hear whatever suited them, while enjoying the best beaches in Europe and Albania. The shameful rallies are over. Nano has brought his shameful shouting and gatherings to an end. The last, most shameful one took place yesterday at 18:00, with standard-bearers carrying out Fatos’s instructions and those of Namik’s deputies. It was an extraordinary rally. Thus we left ZP in mourning, with black letters at the top of the page—and that is exactly how it had to be. BLER LEZHA

On July 26, 1993, our justice system performed its most far-reaching and resolute act in the independent exercise of its mission and powers, demonstrating professionalism and democratic courage. It gave us all the message that before the law we are equal, and that it will punish anyone who breaks the law, without stopping or being deterred by the cult of a name or position. It gave the first signal with the sentencing of Idajet Beqiri. Now it is showing the strength of its authority even over Fatos Nano. This is an important and just decision for the whole of our democratic public, including the broad ranks of Socialists and honest PS supporters, who are aware that Fatos Nano has played with their daily bread and that of their children, and has mocked, robbed and disgraced them too. For 45 years Enver Hoxha and Ramiz Alia lied to them, deceived them, mocked and insulted them, persecuted them physically and spiritually, and robbed them. Fatos Nano has followed their path. He too completely disappointed these people, conducting various business dealings and even playing with the people’s daily bread and national interests. For these reasons, the voices of honest Socialists are being raised insistently. They are convinced, democratic and sincere; they call for justice to be upheld with honor and consistency, and for the people’s interests and professions to be supported. This is evidence of their conscience. Fatos Nano has chosen as his close associates those he kept around him for years. Among them, by July 19, 1993, close to the party leadership, were Gramoz Ruçi and Zabit Brokaj. The former is bound to him forever by their shared involvement in the April 2, 1991 massacre in Shkodër and their mutual silence about the interventions; with the latter, there is a suspicious association and mutual assistance. The associates and collaborators of Zabit Brokaj, the Minister of Health, have 20 trucks carrying 400 tons of food and pharmaceutical goods—aid from France—at the mercy of the Kukës mafia. A report by the State Audit team dated 20. 8. 1992 concludes that 42 tons of oil disappeared without a trace. The people responsible and the operation to distribute and sell these supplies are known. Yet even now, a year later, neither Zabit Brokaj nor his associates have become afraid or felt the sting. Why has the State Audit forgotten this report? By maintaining close dialogue with political partners over the missing 42 tons and other matters, Zabit Brokaj has become Fatos Nano’s lackey in the struggle for revenge, to seize power and regain what was lost, and to establish himself as one of the most extreme leaders, ready to set the country ablaze, solely to place themselves in the service of their own interests. OLTION BARDHI

After many attempts to save Fatos Nano from having his immunity lifted, it seems even his mouthpiece ZP has grown tired. In yesterday’s issue, coming to the defense of its own party chairman, the newspaper tried to fill its front page with large, hallucinated headlines, presenting a number of pseudo-arguments according to which even the Prosecutor’s Office supposedly feels sorry that Fatos Nano is facing criminal proceedings! According to this newspaper, because of this one prosecutor resigned and another was admitted to a psychiatric hospital. The truth, “ZP,” which is so eager to distort the facts, is that, unfortunately for you, what happened to the two prosecutors has no connection whatsoever with the criminal proceedings against Fatos Nano. As Avni Doçi, a prosecutor at the Tirana District Prosecutor’s Office, testified, although he found the work difficult (because he lived in Durrës), he left his post as prosecutor in April, when Fatos’s case had not yet even come to light. The prosecutor who replaced him was involved in a car accident in Gjirokastër and has been on medical leave ever since, and recently in hospital as well. Prosecutor’s Office employees express their deep indignation at “ZP”’s insult to their colleague. The way this newspaper has disclosed and treated his health condition is an example that should make all journalists feel ashamed. Gentlemen of ZP! No one is stopping you from looking for arguments to defend your chairman, but if you lack them, do not exploit another person’s misfortune; do not lie! “RD” correspondent

The secret alliances are exposed for a moment... Arben Imami refuses to take part in the meeting of the parliamentary Committee for the Verification of Mandates and Immunity. The day before yesterday afternoon, the People’s Assembly, by a roll-call vote, approved adding to its agenda the request by the Prosecutor General to lift Deputy Fatos Nano’s immunity. Under the Assembly’s rules, before the Speaker can put the matter to a plenary session for consideration, it must first be discussed by the parliamentary committee, namely the Committee for the Verification of Mandates and Immunity. The committee should therefore have dealt with the request to lift Deputy Nano’s immunity. But the committee could not meet normally, “thanks” to the refusal of the sole “independent” deputy who was a member. That deputy is Arben Imami, politically an “unpassionate” person and a strictly pedantic stickler for rules, even when relaxing the Assembly’s rules as quickly as possible, generous in distributing deputies without perhaps realizing it. And an “enthusiast” forgets all these things; perhaps he has inadvertently forgotten something, and we are led by the nose by his supposed passion for the matter, among the elements of the racket and the uproar: whether it is right or wrong, he has left us waiting for quite some time. When the committee met demonstratively the previous evening, he refused to join the four deputies present on the committee in question. Even without Mr. Imami, there would still have been three members (the committee has two members in total), thereby meeting the minimum required to convene and consider the Prosecutor General’s request. But Mr. Imami refused to take part in this meeting, thereby preventing the committee from reaching the quorum required to meet and proceed. Should we consider these delays simply an ordinary parliamentary incident, a consequence of the inability to carry out reforms? Perhaps that is the only likely explanation. Whatever the circumstances and whoever was responsible, Mr. Imami’s pathetic refusal laid bare, for a moment, the secret alliances. RAKIP SUÇI

Last night, at 19:55, in an open vote, around 100 independent deputies (PD, PSD, PR, PBDNJ) voted unanimously “in favor” of lifting Deputy Fatos Thanas Nano’s immunity.