The President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, received a group from the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), headed by Mr. Tom Melia, Program Director. The meeting discussed democratic developments over the past year in our country, the problems and achievements to date in various fields, the encouraging features that foreign observers notice in Albania compared with other Eastern European countries, the assistance that NDI and other American institutions have provided to democratic processes here, and further cooperation in the future. The group from the American National Democratic Institute congratulated Albania on its achievements to date and expressed its support for the continued progress of democracy in Albania. (ATSH)

-He will represent the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, at the ceremony to be held on the occasion of the death of the illustrious “Turgut Ozal-” “We had set out on a joyful visit to Turkey, but now the purpose of our visit has changed. I will represent the President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, at the ceremony that will be held on the occasion of this great loss,” Mr. Arbnori emphasized in Istanbul. The delegation is continuing its visit. After Istanbul, it will be in Ankara.

-After the Ahmeti scandal, other former senior officials caught in corruption networks- -Alia and Çarçani are under arrest. But what will happen to Nano? There has been much talk of corruption among Communist leaders. For this reason, one of the main goals of the democratic government, announced after democracy’s victory, was the fight against corruption. Having been in power for 50 years, the Communist leaders used Albania as their property and Albanians as slaves. But, convinced that such a situation could not continue forever, they took care to secure the “treasure” they had stolen as well as possible. The events of ’89 shook the foundations of the dictatorship, and Çaushe[s]ku’s end brought the shadow of the dangerous post being offered to pass over his head. Although the end was foreseeable, he tried at all costs to hold on to his position. The Communists were certainly pained by the victory of 31 March; otherwise, many political and economic problems would have remained unresolved and would have destroyed them. But ambition led Nano and those who followed him to make mistakes. Nano was too egotistical to be merely a servant, a tool meant to cover for the interventions of his bosses. He sought to profit as much as he could from the turmoil and chaos that he himself was causing. They found themselves before an Albania of the first quality, and at times even with twice as much. As I said, all this was known to everyone; only the evidence was missing. But at last the evidence is emerging too. The “Levante Co” scandal broke, followed by that of V. Ahmeti. Under attack, the Socialists used their usual absurd logic to declare Ahmeti a Democrat and shamelessly accused the DP of corruption. For a while the Ahmeti scandals then seemed to be forgotten, but “suddenly” “ZP” published a list of “DP scandals,” in which the Socialist Ahmeti was once again presented as a DP member and a top-level official, Shortly after 31 March 1991, the then newly reappointed Prime Minister, Fatos Nano, undertook a venture to secure aid. While the other countries gave him nothing, precisely because of his and his government’s red color, he did not return empty-handed. He came back laden with Italian generosity worth 20 billion lire, as well as negotiations on how this aid would be delivered. There is a procedure to protect him. Diversion from the requested assortments, substandard goods—this was the result of Nano’s recommendation in favor of “Levant Co.” But the worst of all is the “signing over” of two-thirds of the aid. These speculations involving aid to Albania compel us to ask what role Nano played in these speculations and corruption. Was it indiscriminate, or directed by the Mafia? Their absurd logic made Ahmeti a democrat, and they shamelessly accused PD of corruption. Later, for a while, they seemed to have forgotten the Ahmeti scandal, but “suddenly” “ZP” published a list of “PD as a member of PD; in addition, the “serious scandal” of PD receiving aid for its election campaign was mentioned (let us suppose that it is true—what is the scandal here?) What is the secret? The socialists—or, more accurately, Nano—found out that facts about his corruption and that of his associates had been uncovered and, as always, mobilized PS and “ZP” to defend personal interests, following the tactic the socialists have used until now: “the best defense is an attack.” Surely Nano will start saying that this is a political trap, but let us see how his words fare against the facts. The tactic of attack does not always work. Alia and Çarçani are under arrest. What will happen to Nano?

-Nano gives contracts to unknown and suspicious people- -Levant Co swallows up two-thirds of the aid. And how much should the price of gratitude to Nano be? -The swindler defends the swindler Shortly after 31 March 1991, the then newly reappointed Prime Minister, Fatos Nano, undertook a venture to secure aid. Was it indiscriminate, or directed by the Mafia? …of the aid. But what should the price of gratitude to Nano be? —The deceiver defends the deceiver …with negotiations over how this aid would be delivered. There is such a procedure: the government of the country providing aid determines its value. The details are worked out by private companies. The most suitable company is selected through a thorough review, in which its reliability is paramount. Prime Minister Nano does not think this way. When the negotiators of the time asked his government whom they wanted to entrust with the task of bringing the aid to Albania, Nano suggested “Levante Co.”, a mixed Macedonian-Italian company unknown to experts. The delivery of the aid was divided into two phases. In the first phase, a value of 10 billion lire, specified in various product categories, corresponded to a physical volume of 6,000 tonnes of goods. Yet only 3,500 tonnes actually arrived in Albania, with a value of 6 billion lire. All this was the result of such a “game,” in which prices were billed at inflated levels. Here are some prices on the regular international market: chicken meat, 1,100 dollars per tonne; rice, 260 dollars. “Levante Co,” on the other hand, used prices of 12,000 dollars and 800 dollars respectively. The same happened with other products such as cheese, sugar and medicines. It seems to be a very well-concealed affair when one reads the statements of the president of “Levant Co,” GiussepePergnola. “Levant Co has not stolen,” he says. “Someone holds a grudge against us and wants to attack us.” But what about the vastly inflated invoices? “These are the prices we encountered”—he tries to frighten our peasant by that newspaper, as if “The peasant collectivization and the herding-together system the peasants?! Fortunately, the “ZP” archive Could countryside’s saviors? Never. The social communists failed. His bare statements that, regarding the companies “Iliria Holding” and “Levant Co,” he knows only what his position as prime minister for a few months allowed him to know, or that they carried out their activities in accordance with the legislation in force, are nothing but a deceiver’s defense of deceivers. They are the solidarity of the corrupt with the corrupt.

One of the historic victories of the Albanians was the adoption by the People’s Assembly of the Charter for the Protection of Human Rights, whose foundation declared private property sacred. This principle is the basis of all democratic societies and determines the nature of a state that recognizes and protects free productive institutions, or ignores them. The entire program of the DP was built on this universal principle; from the moment it first appeared on the scene, it was unequivocal about returning the land to its owners, the farmers. In practice, this meant dismantling the agricultural cooperatives of the Bolshevik model, which had collectivized not only the land, livestock and other possessions of the farmer, but also the fields. The entire PS propaganda campaign during the election campaign of 31 March 1991 and thereafter was directed against the DP precisely on this objective of the DP program: returning the land to its rightful owners. The PS then imagined beys, aghas, latifundists, Ballists and foreigners who would buy Albania’s land. On this pretext, the social-communists accused the DP of being in the service of foreigners, etc. All this propaganda was intended to sway the Albanian village electorate, in practice to detach it from the DP, which made no concessions on this point in its program, although it cost it dearly in the 31 March elections. While in opposition, the DP used its authority in the Albanian parliament to block a law that recognized our farmer’s right to property. The enshrinement of this right in the main constitutional provisions was unquestionably a DP initiative and achievement. Likewise, upon coming to power, the DP not only categorically guaranteed the right to ownership of land, but also accelerated the privatization process in the countryside. Our farmer is the only one in the world who pays no tax to the state, even though he has become the perpetual owner of his land. Our farmer himself understood that the PS propaganda about the bogeyman “Beys among the martyrs” was a fantasy of Nano and his companions. Our farmer became the lawful owner and is enjoying the fruits of his labor, with the material rewards growing every day. But what is striking about the PS propaganda today is that it is still trying to play games with the people. To this day it is trying to frighten our farmer with the bogeyman of a phantom landowner. The most shameless thing in this propaganda, as in the case of the “ZP” editorial dated 18.4.1993, was the idea presented by this newspaper that “The farmer became an owner according to the PS program...” Can our farmer believe this lie? Can those very people who designed collectivization and the “tufe zimi” for 47 years become the initiators of returning land to farmers?! Fortunately, the “ZP” collection is full of editorials defending socialist property in the countryside. Can those very people who imprisoned you for keeping a lamb or sheep without permission now present themselves as the saviors of the countryside? Never. The social-communists do everything for propaganda. They have played the rural card many times during this transition period, but have also failed. The same will happen this time. Our farmer, who is enjoying the benefits of the perpetual property granted to him by the law of the democratic state, will never again be deceived by the field brigadiers who took our farmers’ land, lives and honor in exchange for a four-lekë workday. Our farmer supported the DP on 22 March 1992 precisely in part because of its program for the countryside, a program that recognized their human right to property, one of the pillars on which a free democratic society would be built. that such a situation could not continue indefinitely, they took care to secure as best they could the stolen “treasure.” The events of ’89 shook the dictators’ foundations, and the end of Çaushesku caused the shadow of death and dissolution to pass over their heads. Under these circumstances, R.Alia took care to soften the inevitable blows as much as possible by artificially lowering tensions. He removed all the old guard from the head of PP, those who were targets of hatred; he stripped them of their privileges and demanded that they leave the “Blloku.” Some thought this was a sign of liberalism, but in reality it was a measure of self-protection, for him and his friends. In this way, the criminals and thieves would not end up in the morgue, but would get away with only a few years in prison, while there would be someone to guard and enjoy the “Treasure.” After the old staff had been removed, Alia had to replace them with “young people.” Nano would become the number-one representative of this staff. Being supremely selfish and ambitious, Nano could not bring himself to reject the campaign of 31 March 1991; later, he took a position against PD precisely on this objective in PD’s program: returning the land to its owners. P(P.S) atchere Albania’s land. On this pretext, the social communists accused PD propaganda was aimed at influencing the rural Albanian electorate, effectively separating it from PD, even though it cost it very dearly in the 31 March elections. As an opposition party, PD law that recognized our peasant’s right to ownership. And was undoubtedly an achievement and a merit of PD. Likewise, upon coming to power, PD not only unequivocally guaranteed the right to own land, but also accelerated the privatization processes in the countryside. Our peasant taxes to the state, despite having become the perpetual owner of his land. Our peasant himself understood that the PS propaganda about the bogeyman of “Beys for the martyrs” was an invention of Nano and his associates. Our peasant his labor, the material rewards of which grow every day. But what is striking about trying to frighten our peasant leading article in “ZP” dated 18.4.1993, was the idea presented by that newspaper, as if “The peasant peasant believe this lie? Could those very people who designed collectivization and the herding-together system the peasants?! Fortunately, the “ZP” archive Could or a sheep without permission now present themselves as the countryside’s saviors? Never. The social communists many times during this transition period, but it has also failed. The same will happen this time. Our peasant, who is enjoying the benefits of perpetual ownership will never again be deceived by the field foremen who took our peasants’ land, lives and honor in exchange for a day’s work worth 4 lekë. Our peasant supported PD on 22 March 1992 precisely also recognized their human right to ownership, would be built. Ambition made Nano and those who followed him make mistakes. Nano was too selfish to be merely a figurehead, a tool who would cover for changes of from the state of confusion and chaos that he himself was causing. Faced with an impoverished Albania with an empty treasury, the only way left for Nano and his successors to gain something was to exploit the aid that would come to Albania. All Albanians are convinced of the high level of corruption that prevailed during the transition period up to 22 March. It was also known what form the corruption took in practice: the exploitation of aid from the Italian government. In short, Italian traders poured thousands of dollars into the pockets of Albanian government officials and directors of state trading enterprises in order to obtain their signatures on lucrative contracts. Thus, it happened that aid reached Albania using funds allocated by the Italian government. But in many cases it consisted of surplus stock supplied at the price of goods of the…

I am truly happy to wish you a happy Easter today, Orthodox believers, in your homeland or in the diaspora, wherever you may be. We all feel the spirit of freedom that now pervades religious holidays in Albania. Democracy is restoring to Albanians that great human right, cruelly denied for several decades: the right to believe in God, in one’s own religion. The dictatorship’s efforts to make us hostile to one another and to the whole world could not uproot from the hearts of our people the teachings of their faith, wise lessons about brotherhood, reason, work and kindness. History has shown that we were one of the most united peoples, although we had three different religious faiths; these never served to divide us when it came to the national cause. The Orthodox Church was born together with the struggle for Albania’s freedom, inseparable from the Albanian cause. Inextricably linked to it is the name of Noli of independence. Trusting that the days to come will bring a better future, I wish you once again, Happy Easter, and many happy returns SALI BERISHA