Yesterday morning, Albania’s permanent delegation to the Council of Europe, headed by the chairman of the Democratic Party and chairman of the Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Edvard Selami, departed for Strasbourg. The delegation will take part in the proceedings of the first part of the 45th session of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.

A mission from the European Union Commission, led by Ms. Kris Hughes, a senior official of the institution, will arrive in Tirana on Monday, 24 January 1994, to discuss the “PHARE” programme for 1995–1996 with the Albanian government, according to a statement from the European Community Commission in Tirana. The mission will meet with senior officials of the sectors that the Albanian government has selected as priorities for receiving support through this programme. To date, Albania has received total assistance of 326 million ECU (391 million USD) from the European Union, of which 70 million ECU (84 million USD) came through the “PHARE” programme. ATSH

Many called it a Maoist club when it became the PAD, a party of friends united by one ideal and one goal, who fight “with every weapon” for an ideal of extreme and uncompromising opposition to President Berisha. And, as a party created solely out of hatred for one man, it failed sooner than others had predicted. “Çiftelia,” “Holta,” “Elektra,” “Gjeli,” and so on, until the live dossier was opened—the one from Belgrade. Those who went to Belgrade also made an unforgivable political blunder. Hoti claimed the distinction of being the primate, implying that Ceka had done his part, or more; that those who went to Belgrade belonged to the 35 “intellectuals” of the Albania–Serbia Friendship Association! The institute of careers, revenge, envy, jealousy, absolute power and grandeur was founded on a politics of resentment and degenerated so quickly that, for Albanian democrats, the trip by the leaders of the AD to Milošević’s headquarters was no unexpected coincidence, but a continuation of what they had done there before. Betrayed by their past, compromised by the secret police of E. Hoxha, betrayed by their present and compromised by R. Alia’s “debt notes” and his dynasty, the AD went out like a soap bubble. Boycotted by the Albanian electorate, they sought ground among the Serbs, and Tanjug helped them, as did Greek ultranationalism. But the president of Shkodra goes beyond the usual limits. As soon as the judiciary signals the trial of Nano and Alia, Dokle, Ceka and Imam rush onto the podiums to bring out the stew they have been eating. Ceka, without even being in Shkodra, presides over a press conference in Tirana’s cafés to collect his fees. They are not short of “examples”! We mention L. Matohiti of “ZP.” None of them considers his own guilt; instead, they prejudge the justice system. They mention F. Zahaj in exactly the same way. Not one says that Matohiti was a member of the PD, committed an offense, and that the government of his own party brought him before justice. They mention A. Bace, thereby showing what intimate reason led to the incident, which was trivial because of the “lighter” of fate, while the protagonist does not smoke and therefore has no reason to carry a lighter! But such things are unwelcome to them. “KJ” publishes articles in which it ends the “continuation” with “Aleanca,” and vice versa, showing the “independence” of one and the “honesty” of the other. And together, every day, they comment approvingly on the anti-Albanian press’s friendliness toward Greece. Their political barometer registers only one theorem, according to which their defeat is presented as the defeat of the whole nation. But the strategy they have chosen will take them no further than the place their leader Alia had reserved for them in his politics. Alongside them moved the left-wing extremists of the PS and right-wing extremists, now cast out of serious political formations. Dokle’s and “ZP”’s language does not go beyond the 50-year framework of Hoxha and Alia. They have sacrificed every political means, every alternative and every opinion, every prejudice and doubt, to submit unconditionally to cell No. 47 in Tirana, where F. Nano, the last communist prime minister of the PPSH, is interviewed with great humor. The political blindness, subservience and unconditional servility of the PS toward Nano are also clearly visible in “ZP,” which [says that] the government led by Berisha and Meksi, whether Nano and company, Islami and company, Imami, Kalakula and company like it or not, is and will remain the first Albanian government in 70 years of demagoguery to have, at the heart of its plans and work, the fight against corruption. This very historic fact cannot be accepted by the demagogic elite of R. Alia and F. Nano, who think they can oppose the state just as they designed it in their time: corruption, crime and poverty. The absurdity of “ZP” goes so far as to imply that only if Nano is released will the economy develop, order be established, and there be thefts, murders, rapes or a tense press. This reasoning is the most open accusation the PS makes against itself, and the state’s own answer is Fatos Nano, from which it emerges that, in retaliation for Nano’s arrest, the PS is encouraging murders, thefts, rapes, obstruction of reforms and an aggressive press. And what happened in Shkodra, and afterwards? Imami abandoned his role as an actor and demanded to be the director. He accused whoever came to mind and whoever crossed his path. Teta attacked Imami, but made the biggest mistake, for which she will answer before the law. Brokaj, Pashko, Zeqo and company, in the most dishonest manner, described the Italian investigators’ accusations as PD traps or went so far as to link them to the accidental killing in Shkodra. Yet, against this unrestrained, dishonest and wholly unintellectual propaganda by the opposition against the Albanian state and its institutions over the Shkodra events, there is an argument that completely refutes it. Nobody ever threatened the PAD and its leaders; on the contrary, they issued threats until … when they had arrived organized like soldiers, with vehicles carrying Enverist pensioners from every district. To the cries of “emumdacut” by Islami, the crowds, trained to howl for blood, set off to “crack skulls” in central Tirana. This does not seem to matter to “ZP”; it does not constitute a breach of the law. Besides, the PS had asked to hold a rally at which it would demand F. Nano’s release. Is that not another unlawful demand? and Tanjug helped them, just as much as Greek ultranationalism did. But the president of Shkodër goes beyond the usual bounds. As soon as the judiciary announces the trial of Nano and Ali, the Dokles, Cekas and Mames hurry to cooking. Although Ceka was not in Shkodër at all, he chairs the PAD press conference, which shows that he knew the tragic scenario in Shkodër while still in Tirana. With the late Çekini, PAD behaves neither like a mourner nor like a family member, but like a sly fox, eager to monopolize other people’s misfortunes as its own political capital. They are unanimous in one accusation: the state is fascist. This is said not only by the actor and the archaeologist, but also by the “political analyst” who is looking for topics to write about

From the scandal involving Italian aid PASHKO TESTIFIES.... —Interview by “RD” with Prosecutor Fatos Dervishi RD.—In the interview you gave to Albanian TV, you spoke about questioning Mr. Pashko as a witness. Has Mr. Pashko testified so far, and if so, what has he said about corruption involving the aid? Mr. F. Dervishi—Mr. Pashko stated: “We did not receive cash.” RD. What about the company “Levanto Co”? Mr. F. Dervishi—Mr. Pashko stated that “Levanto Co” had been selected by the previous government to distribute the aid domestically. “I expressed my disapproval.” RD. Did Mr. Pashko comment on the Foreign Ministry’s involvement in this matter? Mr. F. Dervishi—In response to this question, as a witness, Mr. Pashko stated: “It must be said in this regard that we entered into conflicts with former President Ramiz Alia and with senior officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who persistently sought to take part in this activity.” Editor’s note: Asked to interpret the above or draw any conclusions from Mr. Pashko’s statements, prosecutor Fatos Dervishi declined to comment. In any case, Pashko’s testimony, one way or another, clearly accuses Nano, Alia, etc. Of course, this will not stop the PAD from joining forces with the PS to defend Nano, or even Mr. Pashko himself from calling for his release!

The opposition newspapers “KJ” and “ZP” had written, quite perfectly, about several gatherings of security forces at various points in Tirana. They commented on this fact in whatever way they wished, in keeping with the party line. “The state is demonstrating its strength,” wrote “KJ,” while “ZP,” feeling the flames burning at its backside, wrote: “The socialists respect the law...” Everything said above relates precisely to how much the socialists respect the law. At the PS’s latest rally (where Enverist pensioners from every district had arrived in organized groups, like soldiers, in vehicles), at the cries of “maduçi” Islami, the crowds—trained to howl for blood—set off to “crack skulls” in central Tirana. Apparently “ZP” does not consider this a breach of the law. As for the fear, they came out under the cordon around E. Hoxha’s grave, which dispersed—not the Enverist crowds. Bearing in mind that a rally with unlawful demands could not be held, especially since the chairman’s “admirers” were declaring in the streets that they would free Nano with or without the law, the police did not allow it to take place. In these circumstances, the PS tough guys (it is unclear why they have become so brave under the PD dictatorship) declared that they would “hold the rally at all costs.” The security forces therefore took measures to prevent the socialists from “respecting” the law, as has now happened. So this was neither done to display force nor out of “fear,” as claimed by a “tough guy” in “KJ,” who, out of his “bravery,” signs himself “the commentator.” And so, as before, the socialists who complain would do well to remember the footage Albanian TV showed of the drivers’ strike in Greece: the PASOK government did not turn its rubber truncheons on the drivers. I do not believe any PS leader would say that there is no democracy in Greece under PASOK. Nevertheless, the most amusing of the statements about this event was that of Socialist MP Ulqin M: “With this act, the PD’s political power sealed its resignation,” he says. The poor characters of Cervantes: even though they have smashed the windmills to pieces, they continue to fight them with the same fury. They keep dreaming of resignations and early elections; they imagine they will crown their chairman on a golden throne, etc., etc. We would advise them to Precisely by how much the socialists respect the law. At the last PS rally—they were determined to hold the rally at all costs. In this way, the law-enforcement forces took measures so that the socialists would not “respect” the law as they have until now. So this was done neither to demonstrate force nor out of the “fear” mentioned by the “brave man” in ”KJ”, who, out of “bravery,” signs himself “the commentator.” As for fear, those who went to the newspaper offices, who dragged E. Hoxha through the streets, who proclaimed the Nano government, are still in the PD and have shown how afraid they are of communism. The force of the law must be demonstrated They afraid they are of communism. Socialist Ulqini should demonstrate the force of the law: “With this fact, poor characters of Cervantes: although they were shattered by windmills, they continue to fight with the same fury. They continue to dream of resignations and early elections; they imagine their leader will be crowned on golden fronts, and so on and so forth. We would advise them to sober up before making such statements. E.PALOKA

—Excerpts from the report by the Vice-President of the European Parliament, Mr. Xhek Stjuart-Klark, on visits to Albania and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia on 6 and 7 October 1993.— The achievements of this small country of 3 million inhabitants over the past 3–4 years have been astonishing. Albania suffered under the most repressive communist dictatorships behind the Iron Curtain. In the dictator Hoxha’s final days, the country was ruled by a megalomaniac who had no contact with the outside world and no contact with any kind of opposition. The revolution began at the University of Tirana and quickly spread among the people. The country has changed visibly. Visitors will of course be struck by the relative poverty compared with other European countries, but an atmosphere of happiness prevails in the streets. People are breathing the fresh air of freedom, and it shows. Albania’s successes are due mainly to the leadership of its President, Mr. Sali Berisha. It seems to me that determination, humanity and intelligence are combined in this man. His successful career as a surgeon in a repressive and heartless society is also relevant. As head of state and of his Democratic Party, he is supported by a cadre (group) of young ministers and politicians. But for Albania to move forward, it needs increasing financial assistance from the EC and other international institutions. The fact that a moderate coalition government is in power and that Western assistance has made the new Albanian world possible should not lead democratic forces to become complacent. The old communist guard still exists. It is said that the PS has become a storehouse for Hoxha’s lackeys. Today the state is led by the President, the Prime Minister and 17 ministers from a coalition of three parties: PD, PR and PSD. The main opposition is the PS. Its leader, Fatos Nano, a former prime minister, has been arrested and imprisoned on charges of corruption. The opposition interprets this act as an abuse of justice and an attempt to get rid of a politician responsible for the President’s imprisonment. They say that the PS has begun a harsh disinformation campaign. Naturally, one expects one party to accuse another. Nevertheless, there is little doubt that many people who served the former communist regime may covet power and bring the dark clouds back over Albania. The current government must be supported. There is another reason, too: there are also a number of extremists who preach the unity of all Albanians. They draw support from the Serbian repression that continues in Kosovo, where 93% of the population are ethnic Albanians. There is also the case of Greece. It is known that there are Albanian extremists in Greece and Greek extremists in Albania who would like to see the unity of all Albanians on one side and the unity of all Greeks on the other. At a meeting with the Speaker of the People’s Assembly, I asked why a Greek priest had been expelled from Albania. The answer was that this priest had brought a number of other priests to Albania with ideas about Greece’s annexation of the southern part of Albania. When asked what evidence existed to justify this, they showed me some maps they had handled concerning the pact and illustrating the changed geographical boundaries. Albania’s population is three million, and its growth rate is faster than that of any other country in Central Europe. The average age is 27. This has the advantage that the young working-age population can be absorbed quickly. The country also possesses an essential asset: excellent natural scenery. If the transition to democracy is peaceful and stability is maintained, and if adequate infrastructure is built, the country will have a tourism boom. Hotels and camps will be built by private companies and through foreign investment, but first and foremost the roads and public services must be developed. So far, Albania has recorded an 8% increase in total production compared with the same period last year. Prices of subsidized products are rising. For example, the price of bread has increased twofold from fivefold. While this is unwelcome for consumers, on the other hand it has reduced dependence on food imports and helped farmers increase production through the incentive of prices that make production worthwhile. One vital positive indicator is that the deficit has fallen from 40% in 1992 to 20% this year. Another factor was that around 300,000 Albanians left the country after the fall of communism. The remittances—the money they sent to Albania—are helping to solve balance-of-payments problems.

(Interview given by U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Dr. Kruzel to RTV journalist Bujar Muharremi) QUESTION: Dr. Kruzel, what is your opinion of the reform carried out in the Albanian army, and how does it measure up to the standards of contemporary armed forces? ANSWER: I am very impressed by the progress Albania has made with its army. I am not only impressed, but also surprised. Relations between civilians and the military are very positive. I think Minister Zhulali has done a very good job. I can say that Albania is significantly ahead of other countries that emerged from communism and are adopting the Western model in their armed forces. QUESTION: Albania’s President, Sali Berisha, has described the military agreement with the United States as an important step in friendly cooperation between the United States and Albania. What is your view? ANSWER: I think it is an excellent first step. I thank him (President Berisha) for drafting this agreement. He was the first to understand that cooperation under the agreement with the United States, among the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, forms the basis for continuing relations in the field of defense. We had a very positive meeting between the Minister of Defense and a team of 20 experts from the United States of America. This represents another step in our relations. We have thus embarked on a process of deepening our defense cooperation, and I believe there will be extensive cooperation in the future. (Continued on page 4)

After the Zeneli-Nano meeting in Tirana prison, the former testified to the latter’s strength, humor, and vitality. But it may be otherwise. And... Read the interview with the prisoner in cell no. 47, the chairman of the PSSH, Mr. Fatos Nano, given to the newspapers ”Koha Jone” and ”ZP”. Asked about the government he has prepared for 1996 (this refers to the government outside prison, not to its leaders inside), Nano says that those who are systematically attacked (by RD and TV) are more capable; they are the members of the next government. Without ruling out the possibility of giving ministerial portfolios to the thieves and criminals whom TV and RD have repeatedly denounced, he may be referring to politicians (Ruci, Brokaj, Ceka, Imami, Dokle, Çupi, Pashko, Kalakula, Islami, the former bloc members, and undoubtedly the well-known N.Hoti). Note: (people, be vigilant) them, and only them, are the ones attacked by the Democratic Party. No one else. Where is the message of understanding, tolerance, cooperation? Where has the round-table dialogue gone? Where have the calls for national cooperation gone? Be careful: left aside are not only the PD, but also intellectuals and honest people who have not been attacked by RD and TV. Here Nano appears vengeful. Asked how Albania’s economic situation could be overcome, Nano answers by saying that today’s injustices and expropriations must be corrected (“the appropriation of the living”). I would like to believe Mr. Pellumbi when he says that once the PS takes power, only some “unjust” law will be changed, but he is only deputy chairman, and there will be no new circumstances in the PS. Chairman Nano speaks in broad terms, without defining or considering things in advance. But who will take the properties? It is clear: only those attacked by TV and RD. Here Nano comes close to the accusation made against him of abuse of office, etc. I believe him; he does it because he has gotten the hang of it. Beware, you new property owners who are not attacked by RD and TV, and you property owners whose properties are claimed by your deceased relatives. Nano promises to expropriate you. Furthermore, Nano says of his opponents, who have been declared his enemies, that he will allow them to appear on state TV to re-educate themselves and reconcile with the public, which will certainly not allow them to “escape.” In short, Nano will protect them when the crowds demand their lynching. Thus Nano will violate the “will” of the people and intervene to prevent the lynching (but not imprisonment). Indeed, Nano will order state TV (he will allow them to appear on TV) to bring onto the screen the candidates for lynching. Delusional, arrogant, a violator of the “will” of the majority and a commander of state institutions. Nano lives in his own world of illusions, enchanted by the future that awaits him. In one of his lucid moments, without the slightest cynicism, I would remind him that the future means facing justice, and if he loses, he knows well that there is no future for his politics. Forget your thought/true politicians must pass through the power of prison”. And Pellumbi has understood that too. We believe that nobody intends, I believe, to go to prison to prove Nano’s statements, or to get a seat in the imaginary government “Nano 3,” which he is planning in moments of delusions of grandeur from cell no. 47. It is up to Mr. Zeneli to reconsider his statement about Nano’s humor and excellent mental state. At the very least, he should consider the words: Often, but not always, Nano is, LORENC LIGORI opinion, every prejudice and doubt, in order is interviewed in high spirits. The political blindness, submission clearly evident in ”ZP”, which continues to call the alleged unlawful act of lynching Nano a “demonstration of democracy and understanding.” If the Albanian judiciary releases Nano, who is currently facing public accusations of abuse and corruption and who has been prime minister, imagine what a sin and what a fatality it would be for some private trader who has gone out to sell without a license to be punished.