From the PS conference Two days ago, the PS opened what was supposed to be a party conference. Some members of the PS Presidium should have thought of it that way, too. At least I.Meta presented the Conference agenda, which began with the report, discussions, and “minor” changes to the PS program and statute. But apparently not everyone thought alike. Eager for a rally, most of the conference participants simply kept chanting, “We want him, we want him, we want F.Nano.” Although this shouting—which brings to mind the old chants in the stadium—clashed with the faces of those on the podium, which were, shall we say, far too serious (not to say gloomy), it seemed that the “enthusiastic” crowd did not understand that it was at a conference, not a rally. And so what happens at rallies happened: the speakers spoke, and few listened to what was being said; what mattered was that they “wanted F.Nano.” During the report, which lasted nearly two hours, all one could see were bowed heads and mouths opening sleepily. Then the speaker would insert Nano’s name between the lines, and immediately they would shout their response: “We want him, we want him...” It is understandable that this could not please those sitting on the podium, because that kind of reaction meant, “We want Nano” and we do not care about you. But apparently Nano’s subordinates have openly accepted this position. In his report, S.Pellumbi said that the PS would be open to cooperation with the Arab countries, and thanked not only the EC and the USA but also the Islamic Community. Another point that ran counter to Nano’s policy up to now concerned resolving the problems in the former Yugoslavia. In the declaration with PASOK, Nano signed up to the non-intervention of countries outside the Balkans in the Balkan issue, whereas in S.Pellumbi’s report it was emphasized that the PS supports every effort by the EU and the USA to resolve this issue. Nevertheless, although Nano was not at the Conference at all, in his letter he writes that he will agree with every decision of the Conference. So he is apparently also in agreement with what Majko and Pellumbi say. This would be a good sign, were it not known that Nano does not know what Majko said at the Conference. THE PS’S “NEW” ALTERNATIVES Before the Conference, PS propaganda emphasized that the PS’s alternatives for various problems facing the country would be presented on this occasion. In reality, the report mentioned the DP more often than the PS; it was merely an attack on the DP, without offering any solutions. The only “alternatives” offered at the Conference were new elections and F.Nano’s immediate release. In fact, when one of the speakers asked in his address that the conference put forward a demand for new elections, comrade Dokle laughed and replied from his seat: “That’s what we’ve gathered here for.”

On the first day of the PS Conference, alongside the report delivered by S.Pellumbi, L.Rama, deputy editor-in-chief of “ZP,” read in a pathetic tone the letter from the “isolated” and “censored” F.Nano, who had “broken through the encirclement.” Among other things, the unrestrained demagogue spoke about the poor and the underprivileged, to whom the PS supposedly belonged. He wrote plainly: “The PS is the party of the underprivileged.” Later, during the discussions, eurosocialist MP P.Majko took the floor. “It has become a joke to use the term ‘the PS is the party of the poor,’” said P.Majko. So Nano says, “The PS is the party of the underprivileged,” while Majko says that such a term is something to joke about. But that is not all. In his letter, Nano speaks of a fully Europeanized PS. And what does Majko say about that? “The PS must define itself as social democratic, something the Eurosocialist Forum has already done.” Who is right, Nano or Majko? Those present in the hall applauded both versions, so it is impossible to tell clearly from them whom they consider right. Although I know that, in fact, siding with Majko may cause him trouble...

From the official talks between President Berisha and President Tabone During the official talks held on 6 February between the President of Albania, Mr Sali Berisha, and the President of Malta, Mr Censu Tabone, they once again expressed their shared willingness to strengthen friendly relations and further expand cooperation in the economic sphere. The good political relations that exist between our two countries, Mr Berisha said, should spur cooperation in other fields. Malta was among the first countries to help democratic Albania, and we are grateful to it; but we have now moved beyond the phase of short-term assistance, and we would like Maltese businesses to become involved in Albania as well. We welcome investment in the tourist areas and in the oil-extraction sector. President Berisha also asked Malta to continue its assistance in the fields of diplomacy, justice, medicine, etc. Regarding the situation in the region, Mr Berisha reiterated Albania’s position that the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina is a consequence of Milosheviç’s aims to create a Greater Serbia through violence. We demand, he continued, that the lifting of the embargo be linked to resolving the issue of Kosovo. President Tabone expressed his appreciation for the efforts of the current Albanian leaders to strengthen their own nation, and assured President Berisha that the Government of Malta feels friendship towards Albania and is committed to encouraging cooperation between the two countries. He also spoke of Maltese businesspeople’s interest in Albania. He further stated that Albania has Malta’s support in the international arena, support that will acquire particular significance when Malta becomes a full member of the European Union. Mr Tabone invited Mr Berisha to return the visit in Malta, an invitation that the Albanian President accepted with pleasure.

-Prime Minister Meksi meets Malta’s President, Tabone- At their meeting on Monday morning, Albanian Prime Minister Aleksander Meksi and Malta’s President Censu Tabone expressed support for broad economic cooperation between the two countries in many fields, with priority given to tourism, the oil-extraction industry, medicine and education. Prime Minister Meksi thanked President Tabone for Malta’s philanthropic assistance in the cities of Korçë and Elbasan, which also marked the first contacts between the two countries. He expressed the Albanian side’s readiness to further develop bilateral relations and open the way to Maltese investment in Albania. After the Maltese President noted the considerable interest of Maltese businesspeople in Albania, the senior officials agreed on prompt investment in tourism along Albania’s coastal region, which, according to Mr Tabone, is of a very high standard and has considerable prospects. The Vlora region was identified for the oil-extraction industry, where exploration and drilling will be carried out on land and at sea. There will also be frequent contacts between the universities and medical institutions of the two countries. Prime Minister Meksi and President Tabone also discussed events and the situation in the former Yugoslavia, supporting the peaceful option as the only way to end the tragic conflict in Bosnia. They also discussed current developments in Kosovo and the rights of Albanians in these territories. Prime Minister Meksi and President Tabone considered cooperation between Albania and Malta to be a factor for peace and stability in the Mediterranean region.

Among the many crimes of the red dictatorship against the Albanian people, perhaps the most criminal act was that of 8 February 1967, when, by decree of the barbarous sovereign, the campaign to destroy churches in particular, as well as türbes and all sacred places, began in Albania. From that date an unrestrained witch hunt began, intended to uproot from Albanian soil and from Albanian hearts humanity’s most inviolable belief, the sacred belief in God. The dictatorship razed thousands [text interrupted] Even before then, but especially after 8 February 1967, the clergy of all faiths were persecuted and put on the guillotine in Albania; the prisons filled with clerics and believers who did not deny God, who did not accept the dictatorship’s hell as an earthly paradise, but saw it as a heavenly hell raised on our soil by communism. There was a difference, though: in the heavenly hell, the cruel, the vile and the rogues would be punished, whereas in Enver Hoxha’s hell an entire people suffered, especially those who were most honest. After 8 [text as printed is incomplete] the first atheist state in the world. He proclaimed the crime of this state. But the macabre decree remained on paper and in his head, in his barbarity and that of the regime he represented. The Albanian people preserved their sacred belief in God intact, and preserved intact the harmony and brotherhood among the different faiths that God himself bestowed upon our land. On 8 February 1967, enverism openly rose like Satan against God. Today, after so many years, his followers, gathered at the National Conference, do not dare say a single word to condemn [text as printed is incomplete]. The dictatorship razed thousands of churches, mosques, türbes and monasteries, and burned and destroyed irreplaceable cultural objects and evidence preserved over the centuries, solely because they were connected with belief in God and with his teachings of peace, harmony, tolerance and humanism, which were alien to Enver Hoxha’s regime and its servile, filthy clique. the hell of the dictatorship as an earthly paradise, but as a hell of torment erected on the land of communism. But here too there was a difference: in heavenly hell, the tyrants, the vile and the scoundrels people suffered, especially those who were most honest. After Enver Hoxha’s black 8 February, an entire generation in Albania was buried without religious rites being performed, without easing the hearts of those who were laying their loved ones to rest. Instead of the word of God, departure from this world was marked by the words or quotations of Enver Hoxha. The dictator Hoxha sought to create a saint in place of God, while preserving God Himself had rose up successors, gathered at the National Conference, cannot find a single word with which to condemn the Enverian dictatorship and its crimes, among which perhaps the most monstrous was its attempt to enslave Albanians spiritually as well, by killing their faith in God and extinguishing their hope.

...their mouths opening sleepily; then the speaker inserted Nano’s name among the rows, and immediately the “sleepy” ones jumped up: accepted this position. APPLAUSE FOR NANO’S IMPRISONMENT It is true, and no joke, that the participants at the PS conference enthusiastically applauded Nano’s imprisonment. As I mentioned above, the participants, either asleep or engrossed in other conversations, were not really listening to what the speakers were saying. Only when the name F. Nano reached their ears did they insistently applaud (as they once did for Enver). That is what happened when one of the speakers from the districts said: “Comrade Fatos Nano is in prison”; the hall immediately broke into enthusiastic applause.

In his greetings, Nano “makes fun” of the sultans, apparently wishing in this way to criticize one of the aspects of the DP’s foreign policy, which is an open policy. hall applauded both versions, so we cannot clearly determine in fact, siding with Majko may cause him trouble, in “RD” I think Majko’s practical approach is worth more than Nano’s empty demagoguery. How can those who have lunch only in the most expensive restaurants speak of a party of the poor? This is the same demagoguery used by E.Hoxha, who spoke of the masses while living like a king.

In his greetings, Nano “makes ironic remarks” about the sultans, thus wanting to counter one of the aspects of the DP’s foreign policy, which is an open policy. How can those who eat lunch only in the most expensive restaurants talk about used by E. Hoxha, who spoke about the masses while living like a king.

In his speech, deputy A.Angelji had precisely “continuity” in mind when he made that statement. Fatos Nano was present at the forum and spoke about “democracy” and the so-called “democratic processes.” It is not clear what he was seeking on this occasion, but it appears from the report read by S.Pellumbi, which stated that the PS is the initiator of democratic processes—a claim it has now made a fact.

In the Enverist turmoil at the PS Conference, Fasko’s group came to life too—as was only to be expected—having been delegated to this forum. Fasko’s thugs began with “what times are we living in?”, drew their axes and threatened the “Voice of America” correspondent in Tirana, Mr Xhevdet Shehu, saying they would cut off his head. Following the lessons of “Daddy,” they could not accept the presence among them of this agent of American imperialism.

The period called “the transition,” or, more accurately, the phenomena that emerged and have continued to emerge over these three years, are making us understand how difficult it is for pluralism to be understood here, and that the “earthquake” remains so intense that it prevents the “political strata” from settling down. The absence of multiparty culture and the cultivation of a uniform mentality have made the polluted spaces today larger than they otherwise would have been—larger than they were in other European countries. Some of the unrest, conflicts, excesses, fluctuations in prices, problems and private situations, taxes, various tariffs, etc., could not have failed to occur under the conditions of uncertainty created in particular by the transformation drive. A good many of the problems, however, were fabricated and encouraged by the regressive forces that could not accept it. The ability of the regressive forces that could not accept it. Their outstanding ability to weave intrigues and, in a particularly noticeable way, to affect people’s wealth, which stirs up everyone’s nerves. The Socialist Party has also made a remarkable and unforgettable contribution to impeding democratic processes. Despite its efforts, it could not rise above the level of a dreadful hybrid in which the most negative traditions of its ancestors, the PK and PP, were crossbred and inextricably intertwined. The psychoses of the people and Sh.Peqi, the ignorance of L.Cuko, the cunning of R.Alia, the monstrosity of B.Fasko, “presidential candidate” Dokle, the biting “lover of education” Islami, the polyglot B.Zeneli, the “dissident” S.Brokaj, the communist Dritero, Nano and others form the moral skeleton of the PS; they constitute the cream of its morality. This is a communist party, incapable of understanding that the age of empires ended long ago, bewildered by what happened so suddenly, and which, deprived of persecution, class struggle, a ruling ideology and a leading role, is unable to submit to the law of freedoms. This situation, so unusual for us, is not so unusual as to offer more than a single alternative. And the only one put forward is this: to regain power at any cost. Their aggressiveness, careerism and perversity are rooted in the fact that they are accustomed to a monarchical power concentrated in their hands. Just as they acted in the past to hold on to it, so they will act today to seize it back. On their desolate methodological foundation, the spectre of violence continues to wander impulsively. This is clearly evident in the “fighting spirit” of their rallies, protests, petitions and statements by their highest officials—particularly in their attempts to blame the state and its legal institutions for every negative phenomenon of the period. In the overwhelming majority of the complaints about problems published in “ZP,” an elevated, shrill tone is used, with the claim that they represent the sole voice of revolt against the “injustices of Berisha’s dictatorial regime.” The ridiculous thesis that the PS is the sole defender of the “underprivileged strata”; the complaints that “the people are suffering,” “are destitute,” “are oppressed and pursued by the police,” and that “even the most basic freedoms of expression are absent”; the tendency to foment mass unrest; bringing people out in force in front of the prime minister’s office with the slogan “we want bread”; the attempts to “make the people aware” of these “facts”; and the claim that the people have rallied around this party and Comrade Fatos—all of this is intended to create the impression of an atmosphere (Continued on page 2).

The co-chairmen of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, David Owen and Thorvald Stoltenberg, have invited the foreign ministers of Albania, Austria, Bulgaria, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Romania and Turkey to meet on 9 February in Geneva to review developments in the situation in the former Yugoslavia. The meeting will be held as a private consultative session. President Berisha, at his meeting with the two co-chairmen on 4 February 1994 in Tirana, expressed support for this proposal, and Albania will be represented by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alfred Serreqi.

The EC Ambassador in Tirana, Elio German, begins his dialogue with the press FOR ALBANIA IN ’94: MORE AID —During the 1991–1993 period, 326 million ECU in aid to Albania— —The aim: support for economic, political and cultural reforms. Appointed as the EC ambassador to Albania. This is Tirana, in November 1993; collective aid—said Mr German. Elio German began yesterday, at the offices of this Community, his dialogue with journalists from various press organizations. He gave an account of the EC’s contribution to aid for Albania during the 1991–1993 period, as well as the projects for 1994. Mr German emphasized that Albania had received a total of 326 million ECU in aid during this period, equivalent to 380 million dollars. This figure represents no more than one third of the total aid provided by the International Community. Put another way, this amount is equal to Albania’s entire national budget. This is a clear indication of the aid, Mr German said, since every EC country has also contributed individually within the framework of bilateral relations, with Italy, Germany and Greece in the lead. The structure of EC aid was as follows: emergency food aid, 137 million ECU; agriculture sector, 25 million ECU; health sector, 19 million ECU; industry sector, 30 million ECU. The supply of raw materials and spare parts to 100 enterprises may not have been well targeted, the EC ambassador acknowledged, but he justified it by the aim of continuing (Continued on page 4).

—“ZP” publishes advertisements, not his message— Readers of “ZP,” accustomed to seeing in huge headlines every day how Europe and the world cannot sleep without worrying about Chairman Nano, noticed in yesterday’s issue that his message to the Conference, sent from prison, had not been published. Albanian TV made the confusion even worse by announcing the message. Why does “ZP” remain silent while TV speaks? Have their roles changed?! This prompted many rumors and comments. Among them, we single out: —We may have seen him, we may not have—but there’s one dead man more alive than the living! —There was no room in the newspaper, so they didn’t publish it; they’ll publish it tomorrow. —That’s not true. There was room, but the message was not published because it was worthless, and advertisements were published instead. It’s a market economy! —The newspaper received orders from the bosses: “Stop bothering us with Nano.” —At the Conference Presidium, the chair for Nano was empty, but that too was changed later. Those vying for the chairmanship declared that such a thing—an empty chair at the Conference—could not be allowed! —There were people in the hall who had been instructed by the Nano faction to cheer and applaud hysterically whenever his name was mentioned. But there were also anti-Nanoists who said: “They deafened us.”