We are very pleased and happy that the two neighboring peoples, the Bosniaks and the Croats, both victims of a barbaric aggression, are finding common ground and, with the agreements reached, are moving toward the creation of a Federation and a Confederation. This development raises real hopes for establishing peace and stability in Bosnia-Herzegovina and beyond, President Sali Berisha told Muharrem Zejnullahi, Bosnia-Herzegovina’s chargé d’affaires in Tirana, during a conversation about the development of relations between the two countries. ATA

The Youth Forum of the Albanian Democratic Party, considering that Albania has definitively embarked on the road to progress and democracy, believes that Albania’s achievements in its two years of democracy are among the greatest and most important in the post-communist countries of Europe. In two years, Albania managed to rise above destruction and fires, misery and crime, becoming the country with the fastest economic growth in post-communist Europe, where the current human-rights conditions are among the most advanced—something that has definitively determined our integration into civilized European civilization. But, with great regret, we observe that despite these great and undeniable achievements, Albanian democracy is being undermined by the failed historical clans of former communist rulers, whose ideal remains where their leader E. Hoxha left it. Trampling on the sacred national principles of morality, dignity, the law and the human code, the criminal clan at the head of the PS is seeking at any cost to drag us back into the cruel and immoral era of their 50-year rule. Every honest citizen, and all the more every young Albanian, feels disgust and raises a voice of protest against the crime and corruption that strike us like the totalitarianism of Hoxha, Alia and Nano. In this political and ethical context, one sees the mistaken tendency to disregard every standard of integrity that exists in the PS. Alongside all the others, those rediscovered by the poisonous web of Nanoist crime and corruption are the eurosocialist youth; their ideals of European democratic socialism have nothing in common with the distortion of law and dignity advertised by the heads of the PS. The eurosocialist youth have nothing in common with that corrupt prime minister who closed their national university because those young people were demanding democracy, because they did not want to be exploited by the cleric, and especially by the gangs that attacked them like bandits to seize them as they voiced their demands. The eurosocialist youth—when the democratic youth of Albania, including them, confronted and were bloodied by the Nano regime, the leaders of the PS dared to carry out the massacre of 2 April in Shkodër, as well as those in Fier, Tirana and Fushë-Arrëz. When those young people rejoiced at the downfall of the dictator’s officials, Nano publicly declared that E. Hoxha was and would remain in his heart. When those young people, in miserable economic conditions, were seeking to survive, Nano illegally appropriated 9 million dollars from emergency aid. The historic struggle against that river of crimes perpetrated in Albania by the PPSH and PSSH has nothing in common with the youthful ideals and sincerity of the eurosocialists. On the basis of these arguments, the Socialist International permanently shut its doors to F. Nano’s clan, while accepting the Albanian eurosocialists into its ranks. Through this public statement, the FRPD calls on its eurosocialist peers to find the strength at this political moment to return to themselves, to return to the ideals and principles for which they fight, to break definitively with the era of crime and corruption established by the PS leaders, to distance themselves from the extreme actions of the “animal call,” and to honor their struggle and ideals as they should. We call on the eurosocialists to distance themselves from the prime minister’s criminal gang and join us in forming a democratic and social-democratic front to free our country from the corruption, nepotism and lawlessness of F. Nano’s clan, while the Socialist International accepted the Albanian eurosocialists into its ranks. YOUTH FORUM OF THE ALBANIAN DEMOCRATIC PARTY

“The Nano File” —Attorney Meta asks questions that relate only to the charge against Nano, not to the charge against his client, S.Plaka— During the trial, something interesting has been observed: S.Plaka’s lawyer (and, on some occasions, R.Gjini’s lawyer) asks witnesses questions that have no connection whatsoever with the charges against their clients. A careful observer in the courtroom might connect these questions with some leaflets being passed from hand to hand, but that is not very important. The most flagrant instance of this was yesterday, during the examination of witness 2, Qi.Disha. This was one of the clearest testimonies concerning the evidence proving Nano’s crime. Mr Disha stated plainly that at a meeting of the Council of Ministers’ presidium, F.Nano ordered him to act contrary to the law in order to facilitate matters for I.Hollinguut. It seems that such testimony “gets under the skin” of Nano’s lawyers, but in practice they “do not ask questions”; the questions are asked by Ali Meta, S.Plaka’s lawyer. He questioned witness Disha about the incident in question, which has no connection at all with the charge against his client. This surprised the presiding judge, who asked what it had to do with S.Plaka. This caused an argument between the lawyer and Mr Bendo, but it seemed that even during the argument the lawyer was more interested in making a scene and portraying himself as persecuted than in getting clarification, since A.Bendo repeatedly told him to continue with the questions while lawyer Meta kept arguing. —S.Plaka’s lawyer has read Nano’s case file, while Nano’s two lawyers “have not had the opportunity.” The above incident proved interesting, confirming Nano’s and his lawyers’ complaints about “procedural violations.” As mentioned, S.Plaka’s lawyer asked a question about an incident relating only to the charge against Nano, since the testimony concerned only what had been said about I.Hollinguut at a meeting of the Council of Ministers’ presidium. The testimony concerned the actions and statements of Nano. After lawyer A.Meta asked his questions, the presiding judge, in accordance with procedure, turned to Nano and his lawyers to invite them to ask questions. One of Nano’s lawyers, A.Tirana, said he could not ask questions about the incident in question because he had not been given access to the case file. What is interesting, however, is that 90% of those witnesses who formerly held positions, when asked by the presiding judge where they work today, answer “at a private firm” or “at a foreign firm,” etc. “Comrades” have abandoned Nano At the beginning of the trial, many of Nano’s “comrades,” from Namiku to Haxharagen, who were so interested, would come to court every day. But little by little, as the flames emerged one after another from the depositions in the file and the “minutes on page 249” (I do not remember the volume), they began to disappear. So the other lawyers apparently had the opportunity to read the case materials, whereas Nano’s two lawyers together apparently read only “50 pages.” “How the ‘fans’ react” Representatives of Nano’s family and his “fans” come to the courtroom from time to time. It is interesting to see their reaction when witnesses give unfavorable testimony against Nano. At such moments, they start arguing with their associates during the testimony. One of them mutters an insult through clenched teeth, apparently offended because the witnesses are former associates of Nano or his subordinates. Surely it is the “fans” who are outraged by “their own ranks,” and we notice this reaction. —90% of the former officials are in business today— As I mentioned above, those discrediting Nano are former officials and comrades, since they are speaking out. Although some of them had once been the most ardent defenders of Nano, they have begun to dwindle, and only family members remain in the courtroom. Even the journalists from “ZP” have dwindled: there were three in the first days, but now only one remains. The fact is that even the last two MPs who came stayed for ten minutes, just to “do their duty.” It seems that the “comrades,” mainly from the PS, are now thinking more about vacating Nano’s chair as head of the PS than about getting Nano himself released. “ZP” censors Nano As is now known, on the second day of the trial Nano “let something slip” and spoke. He merely talked nonsense and, trying to justify his crime, blamed the “mentality of Albanians,” who do not understand “Western mentality.” After this blunder, he seems to have been caught while giving testimony. And not only that: he apparently ordered “ZP” not to print his blunders. The result was that although “ZP” came out with six pages, it printed none of Nano’s blunders—in other words, it censored its chairman. EDI PALOKA

IT MUST BE SAID THEN THAT A BIG HOLE OPENS IN THE WATER. HAMIN NUKLE VACUUM IT MUST BE SAID THEN THAT A BIG HOLE OPENS IN THE WATER. HAMIN NUKLE VACUUM. Words in the arrows: “NANO – UNSHAVEN”; “FATOS NANO”; “WHO ERASED IT”; “NANO – UNSHAVEN”.

—The best way to distance oneself from E.Hoxha is to punish those who committed crimes against the people— —It is good for Albanians to give up cults— (Interview with Flamur Metallar(in), member of the Presidium of the Eurosocialist Forum—) QUESTION—Flamur, you belong to the generation of famous Albanians of the ’90s. What is the mystery of those young men? ANSWER—A great deal has been written about the December ’90 movement: some have accused, some have interpreted it according to their own exegeses, some have recounted it in their own way; everyone wants it to have been as it was, true, truly as it was. I am speaking from a political point of view. In December ’90, the student youth joined the dictatorship in a common front against it. In a common front there is a force for them. This front constitutes a political effort, together with the importance of propaganda, freedom and individuality, and a struggle for democracy. I cannot say that most of the young people were “from GOOD BIOGRAPHIES,” since we all know that under communism people were persecuted because of their family background, and the regime’s communist and totalitarian biographical classifications were used to suppress them. The student revolt demonstrated and proved that there was room for a new social order to develop in our country. QUESTION—You say you believe in ideals. What are you doing today because you believe in ideals? You are calling for a “totalitarian revolution” with totalitarian peers? “... to gather together ...” the eurosocialist spirit of the FRSSH, which ... ANSWER—I have always thought about a future with more political and social openness. Anyone who is less divided and less isolated can no longer accuse us, because knowing one another is a sign of respect and formality. In this idea, the philosophy of our people was created and should be founded on principles of justice. It reflects so much that it has been a great help, through which we achieved reading and beauty. Even more, when one is inspired by more, there are more paths to hope, and this is perhaps a better life; this is the formation of the opponents of the processes that had begun. We believe in the ideals of social democracy, in a democratic socialism and not a totalitarian socialism. We aspire to a better, more beautiful, calmer and more cultured life, and to a democracy with a human face. We entered the political scene quite naturally, not at the wish of some political figure from the PS; we came to contribute to building democracy, not to defend nostalgia, as some knowledgeable people would have us believe. Our political struggle takes as its point of reference the identity of democracy in the country and convergence toward it. Anyone who decides otherwise has nothing in common with us, but is merely seeking to exploit our name for personal interests. QUESTION—Your leader Nano, through a telegram addressed to the eurosocialist youth, called you yesterday’s peers of the “... and peers”; do you consider yourselves to be such? QUESTION—Socialist MP T.Ati? is the only socialist politician who has called for distancing from E.Hoxha, unlike the other PS and FRSSH leaders. Or do you not take this into account? ANSWER—Forgive me, but there has been no real distancing from E.Hoxha. One can shout against E.Hoxha day and night, but that cannot be called distancing, because he served the dictatorship, and one cannot distance oneself from him merely by saying a few words against him. Some people insult the dictator because, by doing so, they express the bitterness accumulated over years of suffering; some insult him because they are disappointed by the deception; some insult him with the chameleon-like nature of someone trying to stay in the good graces of the present regime. In my opinion, the best way to distance oneself from E.Hoxha and his oppressors would be to punish his successors, especially all those who committed crimes against the people during the period of communist rule. The 45-year-old prime minister and his servants should not be indulged. (Continued on page 4)

—Nano calls for the testimony to begin again from the start— Fatos Nano refused to speak before the court, declaring that the trial against him had been planned, that everything had been decided in advance, etc. How much substance there is to this argument he made up is shown by the fact that he himself dismissed it at the end of the witness’s testimony, asking for the testimony to begin again from the start—that is, agreeing to take part in the trial rather than return silently and “triumphantly” to his imprisoned city. Why did he change his position? Fatos, were you convinced that you were not being prejudged, or did you realize that your “argument” could not serve even you, let alone get into other people’s heads?! In fact, this raises several questions, and some hypotheses are circulating whose truth we cannot guarantee. The various versions have indeed explained some aspects to the public. A new question mark has arisen over Fatos’s latest decision, or rather its authenticity. In this regard, it is not clear whether this was Fatos’s own initiative or a far-sighted strategic decision of special importance by the PPS Central Committee. In other words, was Comrade Fatos given an order?! If it was an order, the most plausible version is as follows. According to it, the Enverists in the PS told Comrade Fatos that he had made a mess of things with his silence. Now, hurry, following Enver’s teachings, get your ... Perhaps Comrade Fatos has also regretted what he did and has finally made up his mind. But he forgets that justice is no longer administered arbitrarily as it was in the days of the old regime. Comrade Fatos, stop dreaming with your eyes open. It is too late for him now. Perhaps the last slap he received from Adili woke him up, but it is still too late. Justice cannot be treated as though one were a capricious child faced with sweets—getting on and off a donkey or a lizard, and so on. Now let Namiku bring him the petition with 700,000 signatures from Enver’s volunteers; let Comrade Fatos boil it and drink the juice, three times a day, perhaps he will come to his senses and face reality. The fraudulent petitions might work some miracle for him in the series of the cycle “the miracle of deception,” for which he can claim authorship. For the time being, abandoned in the courtroom by almost everyone, he can, if he wishes, keep dreaming of the dynasty to which he belongs, of his “father’s” head, of a time when Enver, the Party and the law were one and inseparable—a time he was neither fortunate enough to revive then, nor will ever be able to revive intact and untainted! THE OBSERVER

From Friday through Monday with witnesses in the “Nano case” —Responsibilities in the handling of aid are beginning to emerge— —Is there a connection between administrative violations and the enrichment of some people in Albania? —FATOS NANO: “You follow your scheme; I will follow mine” (?!) The court hearings concerning the events in the criminal case against the defendant Fatos Nano, accused of “appropriating state property through methods involving the falsification of official documents,” and the defendants Sokrat Plaka, Robert Gjini and Hasan Halika, accused of separate criminal offences of “abuse ... (Continued on page 4)

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