Two years ago, 23 March ’92. The magnificent rally celebrating victory over the Enverist Dictatorship Two years have passed since that day, marked by those who ruled it as barbarians, 22 March, when Albania solemnly decided, by its own free will, to break definitively with the dark totalitarian period, one of the darkest periods in its history, thus opening a new, bright page in its history and saying a resounding “YES” to freedom, civilization and hope, which for so many years had been kept in the deepest recesses of the soul. It was a day of great enthusiasm—22 March; it was a day of hope for rebirth; it was a historic turning point, leaving behind the written record filled with crimes, violence, suffocation, terror, blindness and absurdity. And although it marked the first day of freedom, the first day of a much-longed-for new era, an era that in the times to come would be affirmed through the profound and radical transformation of the entire structure of Albanian society, unleashing energies [The article continues in columns cut off at the bottom edge; the visible passages are incomplete.] and surges beyond imagination, whose realization within a very short time brought our society to its present stage—a stage truly unimaginable on that 22 March 1992. Two years, in the historical conception, are very little; they are but a single moment, which many times in the history of peoples passes either with only a few pages written or without being mentioned at all. Nevertheless, for Albania, exhausted; for Albania, totally devastated; for Albania, whose breathing had been suffocated for so long; for Albania, worn out and brutally tortured; for Albania, brought to the brink of ... in freedom, and everything that has been achieved is nothing other than the contribution of people who carry its sacred spirit as an attribute of their souls. Who could have imagined that, in so short a time, Albania, ruled by a handful of terrorists—Albania, writhing in the anguish of existence, materially ruined, sunk into absolute poverty gripping the whole of society, except for the party-state pyramid, which, like a giant medusa, had sucked everything into its insatiable belly—could unleash so much energy within itself as to radically change its character, renewing within itself the entire structure of a civilized society guided by the sacred principles of democracy and the affirmation of individual and collective freedom? Two years are not a long time, and yet, the worker, the one who toiled like a slave, [unclear] freedom, which ... ... freedom, which ... ... embedded in every structure of the new democratic state and society. Two years are not a long time, and yet Albania, the most isolated country in the world, a country almost forgotten and erased from the map, is today an open country, striving with dignity to place itself alongside those countries that are models of advanced, free and democratic societies. Two years, which nevertheless also call for a powerful remembrance, so that the road we have set out on (for we are still at the beginning) may be continued resolutely; so that freedom and democracy, these two sacred ideals, may never be debased; so that Albanians may never again feel the bitterness of the past on their lips; and so that the future may be worthy of them, as this nation, one of the oldest in Europe, deserves. LAZER STANI

Two years ago, 23 March ’92. The magnificent rally celebrating victory over the Enverist Dictatorship

The President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, sent a congratulatory telegram to the President of Croatia, Franjo Tugjman, and the President of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegoviç, concerning the agreement on the formation of a Confederation, which was signed in Washington. It also emphasized the importance of this agreement for achieving a just peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and the hope it offers for the wider region. Also, in a telegram addressed to the President of the USA, Klinton, Mr. Berisha expressed his high regard for the very important role of President Klinton and the American government in reaching this agreement, as well as his confidence in Washington’s continued involvement in resolving the regional crisis. ATSH

It is a great and special pleasure for me to greet the First Congress of the BSPSH, and to greet you and all Albanian trade unionists for your great contribution to the victory and development of democracy in Albania. Your independent trade union has a truly short history, but I would say it is one of the richest and most intense. I have seen the major role of trade unions in Albania chiefly in three areas: In its anti-communist and anti-dictatorship work, it made a major theoretical and practical contribution. Its creation as an opposition to the regime clearly exposed and documented the hypocrisy of the ruling party, which claimed to be the party of the workers. But the direct struggle and efforts to overthrow the dictatorship were among the most important. I know you did not work for the history books, but Albanians and history will remember for a very long time the May–June 1991 strike, which shook and brought the dictatorship to its knees. In those days, two command centers confronted one another in Albania: the red command center of crime, armed to the teeth with every instrument of crime, and the strike command center, led by Valer Xheken and armed with the principles of democracy. In those days, two institutions faced off: that of the anti-popular government, born of terror and the macabre dancing with the dictator’s bust in early 1991, and the institution of self-sacrifice represented by the miners’ hunger strike at Valiast, led by Gezim Kalane, who had resolved to make a sublime sacrifice in the name of democracy. The dictatorship was brought to its knees. The signing of the Pact by it with the opposition parties and the Association of Former Political Prisoners in September, the strikes in various sectors, and especially the strike by RTV employees, saved Albania from the neo-communist dictatorship that the new blockmen in the government of stability were establishing, bringing the corrupt nomenklatura to power and replacing the market economy with the Marxist economy. Without the support and backing that the independent trade unions gave the opposition in December ’91 against the red plots of the new and old blockmen, and during the March election campaign, the victory of 22 March would not have been of the magnitude it was. Another area is the major and important role your trade union has played in defending workers’ interests. The first delegation I received as President was that of the independent trade unions. After congratulating me on my election, they told me that from then on we would no longer be allies, but would continue the struggle to defend workers’ interests as a counterweight to the government. I can tell you that your contribution to protecting workers’ interests, advancing reforms and continually strengthening the social component of the market economy—which in itself entails increasing the human dimension of our democratic society—has been and remains of particular importance to the development and consolidation of democracy. The trade union has demonstrated a democratic culture, supported reform, always favored dialogue, and, I would say, achieved many of its objectives. Be assured that I will always work to expand dialogue between you and the government and other institutions, because I consider your role, the role of trade unions, a very powerful element in the development of democracy. Another major contribution of yours has been the fight against corruption. You and the newspaper “Sindikalisti” were the first to raise your voices in its pages against the corruption of the red caste, whereas today you wage an uncompromising fight against corruption of every color. I want to emphasize that this is a very important struggle, one that concerns the future of our ideals and our state, and that it is and remains one of the major objectives of the new Albanian state. Finally, I do not want to interfere in your internal affairs, but I cannot fail to express my admiration for the way you resolved your disagreements and problems. You resolved them through a free vote. The free vote is the fairest and most democratic way to resolve disagreements. Those who honor the free vote honor democracy and have the support and respect of all who believe in the free vote, in democracy. Once again, I wish success to the proceedings of the First Congress of the BSPSH.

“ZP” publishes prominently on its front page, dated 19 March ’94, an article about the meeting between PS deputy chairman L. Hajdaraga and the Ambassador of the Holy See, Monsignor Ivan Diaz. The red sinners who crucified Jesus for a second time here in Albania apparently seek absolution for their new sins. Hypocrisy has always been, and will remain, an important feature of the nature of socialist-communist usurpers. Yesterday it served Enver Hoxha, and today it serves the leaders of the PS, in the most perfect way: to deceive, to present themselves as the most humane beings, wanting nothing but the good of people, friends, comrades and even opponents. While before our eyes they appeared cheerful and fresh-faced, smiling and full of humor, the next day they stabbed us in the back. This was Enver Hoxha; this was the PPSH. This is the PS and its leaders today. One of them is L. Hajdaraga, who, at his meeting with Monsignor Ivan Diaz, reportedly declared, according to “ZP”: “We have condemned and do condemn the repression by the communist regime against religion, against the Catholic Church and its distinguished prelates.” Whom should we believe? When the other deputy chairman, candidate for chairman, Mr. Namik Dokle, and other social-communists rant from podiums, howl into the Parliament’s microphones, and publish in the pages of “ZP” and its sister papers that the DP has become the defender of “collaborators,” is awarding the title “Martyr of Democracy” to enemies of the people, criminals and traitors, and accuse [them] of treason that history will never forgive us for; when they also speak of the reburial of the remains of the innocent victims of the communist dictatorship—then, as a reminder, Mr. Hajdaraga, among all those intellectuals whom you still accuse of being collaborators and enemies of the people, there are also clergy, prelates of the Catholic faith. Among them is the great Pater Gjergj Fishta, whom you executed twice yesterday: first, his work, and second, by making his grave disappear. You made no statement denouncing this crime either when it was committed or when it was exposed and condemned by the democratic anti-communist press. This is the truth about your attitude toward the intellectuals you invoke before the Ambassador of the Holy See. You lie hypocritically when you say that “you condemned the communist regime’s repression of religion, the Church and its prelates,” because neither at the Tenth Congress nor at the National Conference of the PS, which you held recently, did you publicly denounce the crimes of the communist dictatorship, the unprecedented and unique massacre perpetrated by Enver Hoxha against the Albanian intelligentsia. As in all the PS’s meetings and discussions, in this case too ... ... where the meeting with Mons. Ivan Diaz is discussed ... ... to accuse [them] of being “collaborators” and enemies of the people ... ... demanding that ... ... unclear here and cut off in the image. MENTOR SHEHU THE LORD PLAYS IN ALBANIA: THE WORK OF THE LAW AND THIS WORLD OF THE JUNGLE, WITH ACCOMPLICES, [unclear] THONUSH, BLOODSUCKING AND BLOODSHEDDING. LUAN RAMA DEFENDS CRIME. RESPONSIBILITY FOR CORRUPTION AND FORGERIES

The Nano dossier WHY DOES AN “INNOCENT” MAN LIE? —Several of Nano’s lies have emerged from the trial so far It is well known that a person who lies is trying to conceal something irregular, something that, if uncovered, would make him guilty in the eyes of those he is lying to. For this reason, in courts around the world, proof that the defendant has lied about a fact is almost always tantamount to proof of his guilt. Meanwhile, not just one but several lies by the defendant Nano have been exposed in connection with the case, even though he has not spoken during the trial; they have emerged only from what he submitted to the investigators and to “ZP.” Thus, Nano has claimed that Levante Co was appointed when Çarçani was prime minister. Unfortunately for Nano, however, Çarçani testified in court and stated quite clearly that he knew nothing about Levante Co. Moreover, there is not a single document bearing Çarçani’s notes on this matter, whereas several notes by Nano have been found. Nano also claims that Levante Co was appointed by the Italian government, but former Italian government officials themselves testify that Levante Co was appointed by the Albanian side, which even tried to persuade the Italian side with false arguments. Here, too, another of Nano’s lies is exposed. It is claimed that Sefatos’ was sent “at the request of the Italian state”; Levante Co supposedly worked in Albania and was well known to the Albanian authorities. The facts showed that none of the people on the Albanian side who dealt with this matter had previously heard of Levante Co, and that this company had never worked in Albania. Thus, among others, Nano also lied to the Italian government. On the other hand, although the Italian government was told that Levante Co was well known, in the statements and in “ZP” the argument is made that Levante Co and I. Holding were not well known, and therefore there was no way to foresee what would happen. But this claim, too, is a lie, as was proved by the testimony of Seho and Gjoja, who had warned that dealings with both companies should be abandoned. Nano therefore knew full well what those companies represented. At the same time, “ZP” itself ... ... went so far as to commit the most classic kind of deception: completely changing the words of witnesses, which had been recorded both on tape and in the official transcript. Witness Selo said in court that the Italian government selected the companies itself “through a tender,” though there were also exceptional cases; whereas “ZP-style,” this testimony was translated as saying that the Italian government did not hold tenders. Another of Nano’s lies was exposed by witness A. Luarasi. Nano had stated that he sent A. Luarasi to Italy specifically in connection with the aid issue, whereas the witness himself says, “I was sent only for the refugee issue.” Another of Nano’s lies is connected to this fact: he claims that he conveyed to the Italian side the concerns raised by his own subordinates about the specifications and prices of the goods. Yet all the witnesses for the Italian side, starting with De Mikeli (spelled as it appears in the text), have stated that the only thing they heard from the Albanian side was the phrase “we are satisfied.” And this is understandable: how could Nano have expressed dissatisfaction with the goods when he himself had given his subordinates instructions about everything? These are some of Nano’s and “ZP”’s lies concerning the accusation, lies that join the other lies connected with the trial. Nano kept lying through “ZP,” claiming that he was not being questioned, and the opposite was proved. He continues to talk about procedural violations in the trial, while dozens of journalists there see the opposite (apart from the “ZP” journalists, who always present the opposite of the opposite). The latest lie in court came from Nano’s lawyer, Tirana. He declared that they had not requested the re-examination of 51 witnesses in this trial because they knew the procedures would not allow it. In fact, this showed only that those claiming procedural violations either did not know the rules or repeatedly and deliberately violated procedure, because the “innocent” man needs to lie about so many things. EDI PALOKA ZERI I POPULLIT

Yesterday, a hearing was held at the Court of Appeal before the panel chaired by Prele Martini, which upheld the original ruling against the two journalists, Martin Leka and Aleksander Frangaj, in Martin Leka’s case, while it sentenced A. Frangaj to five months’ imprisonment. This was also the period of detention requested by Prosecutor Mosko. Meanwhile, A. Frangaj is outside the country. The proceedings held yesterday at the Court of Appeal, following the prosecution’s appeal, were to conclude with the decision of the presiding judge of ... “RD” CORRESPONDENT

WHY DOES AN “INNOCENT MAN” LIE? —So far, several of Nano’s lies have emerged from the trial