AZEM HAJDARI Many people now, not only because the trial of former President Ramiz Alia is approaching, but also independently of this event, pause and take a look at this man's long record at the head of the Albanian state. This is quite normal, especially if we bear in mind that, particularly over the past three years, discussions and contradictory assessments have been and continue to be made about this figure. To reach this point, he managed to survive even within Albania's highest communist citadel and under the unceasing protection of Enver Hoxha, who mercilessly sacrificed his closest collaborators. Why did Ramiz Alia survive for so long and, it seems to me, so calmly under the dangerous rule of Enver Hoxha? This may be the most revealing point about the whole character of this figure, who passed through almost all the most important stages in Albania's political and social life over this half-century. It has to do with the very great struggle R. Alia waged to establish, from the beginning and continuously, a high standing and authority within the PPSH itself and its leadership. As is known, R. Alia did not enter these ranks (that is, the ranks of the top leadership) immediately after the PPSH's supreme authority was installed in Albania. In the PPSH's big “house,” the “bearded men” had immediately taken their places around the hearth, and young R. Alia seemed far too young to sit in that room. But history shows that R. Alia not only waited his turn, but did so by working and carefully serving a great career around that hearth. Thus, while serving as Minister of Education, he showed great devotion “to the Party and Comrade Enver.” But later, when he had not yet become a powerful figure at the head of the PPSH, he agreed to lead Party teams assisting agricultural cooperatives in Dibër (see File No. 748, page 32, year 1958), despite having no agricultural profile whatsoever; he also agreed to become a member of the commission on amnesty for Albanian citizens who had fled the country (File No. 560, page 1, year 1956). There is no need today to ask why this happened with Ramiz Alia. His whole calculated response was aimed at becoming trusted under the umbrella of Enver Hoxha's power. He had only two things on which to build his future in this position: his participation in the National Anti-Fascist Liberation War and the fact that the Communist Party and Tito's Yugoslav state looked favourably on him. He had been decorated by the Presidium of the People's Assembly of Yugoslavia (File No. 104, page 2, year 1947, document book: list). Perhaps he did not consider these enough to rise high in the PPSH leadership career, had he not added to them devoted work and commitment. At the same time, however, R. Alia knew very well one of the most distinctive qualities of the principal leader Enver Hoxha, who had long shown his way of striking at his comrades and close collaborators. Judging from what we know today, we can say that Enver Hoxha saw in R. Alia precisely the ability to serve the cause of the principal leader—that is, to help him eliminate his comrades and, after their elimination, help him cover it up with propaganda convincing to the people. Let us not forget how many articles and commentaries Ramiz Alia wrote to justify the barbaric actions of the dictator Hoxha. Yet, despite his very long time at the head of the Party-state and beside Enver Hoxha, we have no fact or document showing that, even once, R. Alia opposed the elimination of any person. Quite the contrary... But Hoxha was not the only one who had seen this quality and talent in Alia; we can also say that Alia carefully drew close to Hoxha precisely in order to help him in this undertaking. We can say without any mistake that the number one man of the state and Party, Enver Hoxha, was ready, without a trembling hand, to sacrifice anyone so long as the way was cleared for Ramiz to pass through victorious (Continued on page 2) [Photo: Ramiz Alia speaking into a microphone.]

—President Berisha and Prime Minister Meksi attend— “For Albanians, Coca-Cola has been and remains a symbol of the West”—these were the words President Berisha emphasized in his address on the occasion of the inauguration of the Coca-Cola factory in Tirana. Yesterday, political figures from Albanian public life had gathered at the Coca-Cola facility: President Berisha, Prime Minister Meksi, members of the government and MPs. Representatives of the diplomatic corps and foreign figures from the economic world were also present. The press and mass media were widely represented, many of whose members had come from different countries around the world. This attendance and the ceremony that was organized express, among other things, the great importance such an investment has for Albania. As President Berisha said, “For Albania, the inauguration of Coca-Cola has special significance. It is the first major investment made in Albania, at a time when, only three years ago, such an undertaking would perhaps have been considered treason against the homeland.” The President noted with satisfaction that this investment would pave the way for, and would soon be followed by, other important investments. Coca Cola Bottling Enterprise Tirana is an Albanian-American company whose President is Mr. Franco Busi. The company's principal investor is the Busi group of Italy. During the ceremony, representatives of Coca-Cola delivered speeches and greetings, including the President of The Coca-Cola group's Central and Eastern Europe region, E. Isdell, President of the company's Northeast Europe and Middle East group within the International Business Sector. In their speeches, these gentlemen expressed their pleasure at this venture and welcomed Albania “into the Coca-Cola family.” A symbolic ceremony was then held to mark Albania's joining the other Coca-Cola enterprises throughout the world. President Berisha and Mr. Isdell unveiled the commemorative plaque and pressed the button to start up the plant. At the end, Mr. Berisha accepted the inauguration greetings, wishing the Albanian Coca-Cola company many more open [unclear]... . CORRESPONDENT OF “RD”

Yesterday, the Chairman of the Presidium of the People's Assembly, Mr. Pjeter Arbnori, received the Ambassador of the Republic of Romania in Tirana, Mr. George Miku. The meeting discussed the successful culmination of President Sali Berisha's visit to Romania and expressed the wish for further intensive cooperation, including in the parliamentary field. Mr. Arbnori informed Mr. Miku of his desire for the President of the Romanian Parliament to make a friendly official visit to Albania. PRESS AND INFORMATION OFFICE OF THE PEOPLE'S ASSEMBLY

Much has been written about the former PPSH secretary and later former PS president, R. Alia. Much has been written, although many of those who write (including me) think there is no need even to try to convince Albanians of something they already believe: that Alia, as Hoxha's right-hand man and the continuation of his criminal work, can be judged in no other way than as a political criminal. And yet some politicians and journalists continue to emerge who think that R. Alia should not only not be punished, but should also be respected, since he was the one who brought democracy to Albania. Indeed, one right-wing newspaper insinuated that Hoxha's monument had also been made ready for demolition by R. Alia (they had only forgotten to remove the final “bolt”—as “Dita Informacion” writes). I mentioned that Albanians know R. Alia well and there is no need to give them lengthy commentary. Albanians know perfectly well why “ZP” defends R. Alia and can understand why another newspaper defends him, too; but whatever the case, this must never be forgotten, because forgetting has bad consequences. R. Alia was the one who sought to drown the dictator in blood. He was the one who sent the tanks into the streets; he was the one who left students to die in a hunger strike over a name; he was the one who ordered people to be shot over a monument; he was the one who ordered the killing of official heroes at the border; he was the one who ordered 2 April; he was Enver Hoxha's successor. So, people, remember; look at these photographs. There you are, confronting Alia's dictatorship.

WHO CONTINUES TO DEFEND R. ALIA?! Photographs from the protests and clashes with the dictatorship: demonstrators, crowds of people and injured persons.

The campaign for the municipal elections, and especially the prospect of early elections, has completely clouded the judgment of the PS leaders, to the point that their propaganda goes as far as calling for illegal actions. In the campaign launched by several PS MPs in the commune of Reç, including Mr. Ndre Legjisi, the rules of the electoral game are being overstepped, with dangerous steps being taken that could lead to confrontations between the residents of this commune and the rule of law. It should be noted that the Dardhe-Reç area is poor in arable land, pastures and forests, and cannot meet the residents' needs for a prosperous life. There is also an imbalance between the number of residents and the amount of arable land. This is why around 20% of the residents of the Commune of Reç have moved down to the hills of Kambe and the outskirts of Tirana. Migration is an issue that comes up at every meeting with residents of this commune. It is genuinely painful, because it is a problem that needs a solution, and for this reason the local government of Reç in Dibër, in cooperation with the Government, is conducting studies for an organized and carefully planned relocation. It seems, however, that the PS leaders are not interested in a real solution to this problem. During meetings and conversations with villagers in the Commune of Reç, we were told that PS MPs claim this problem can be solved only by the route of “I don't know, with Kukës.” These clever MPs gave them the response that only a hunger strike would be enough to manipulate them, and that they would then begin [unclear] what they were asking for. This is nothing more nor less than an attack, a provocation to create tension and then propaganda. Someone may seek to deny this as political propaganda, but some know: at the meeting of the people's council chairman in Dardhe, the PDSH was asked [unclear] by residents of Zall-Reç, where the chairman of the PS group section in Ndo-Shehaj, Mr. Meshit Leka, said during the discussion at the People's Council of Reç that there were only economic difficulties, adding that “I [unclear] Bele and [unclear], and I have [unclear] our problem to solve with a ‘hunger strike’ and with struggle” (Continued on page 2)

It also happened that a journalist from “ZP” went to Greshice in Mallakastër and, when he returned, put all sorts of “discoveries” on paper that others did not know about. It seems your trip to Greshice was entirely accidental and had nothing at all to do with the election campaign. Really...? The “ZP” journalist weighs up the “facts” that befall the Mallakastër villagers. He is so moved in his descriptions that he gives a detailed account of life in Greshice. He notes moans, “pockets full,” and so on. It is true that villagers face difficulties in their daily lives, but these are inherited consequences that democratic action cannot correct at lightning speed. It cannot correct them quickly because the communist regime left villages like Greshice all over Albania. But we must not forget that these villagers worked all year just to provide their daily bread, whereas now the bread for the whole year is secured with one month's work (with the workdays distributed across the seasons). When we say bread, everyone knows we mean wheat bread, while maize is used for animals. Only two years ago, the stomachs of the people of Mallakastër were forced to digest corn bread. In Mallakastër, as a “term of endearment,” they call this bread “Babanace,” comrade journalist. And what about the meat and milk—where do they go, where have you seen them eaten? There is a Zaho in this region who used to say: “These reds won't even let us keep the ashes at our door.” Today, such topics may seem outdated, but there is no reason to forget them. I can give you many more facts about how completely things have changed in Greshice. I can remind you of entire families who produce [unclear], and who, I think, are improving their lives in the values of democracy. I can list dozens and dozens of villagers from Greshice who are now building houses and shops and have cars and tractors, who... (Continued on page 2)

Being in transition is a process with its advantages and difficulties. At the beginning of a system that will consolidate over time, people's perception of everything and their assessment of individual improvement in relation to the immediate circumstances that time has brought each person are shaped, blinded by the new psychology: “... the means ... all these are positive aspects of this difficult phase.” The result will be that, with each passing period, an individual's standard of living moves one step forward. Attempts are being made to use extreme colours to depict life in the country. It must be acknowledged that this propaganda game has the effect of distorting realistic judgment. Through subjective selections of pessimistic opinions and data, the difficulties of life have been exaggerated far beyond what should be expressed. The Government's prospects for identifying and keeping the costs of hardship at manageable levels have been obscured. Yet, regardless of this, the people's standard of living has been left subject to the subjective descriptions (as we said above) of article-writers motivated by various interests. Through a serious undertaking, the Institute of Statistics managed to help create a realistic picture of the standard of living in the city of Tirana. A statistical survey based on statistics' No. 1 principle, objectivity, centred on 3,000 families, and the extension of the survey's results to the entire population of Tirana, delivered the message: we are living better! In other words, what can be observed has also been distilled into figures. In 47% of Tirana families there is a black-and-white television, while 56.3% have a colour television. Refrigerators and washing machines can no longer be considered luxuries, since 82.1% of families have a refrigerator and 60% have a washing machine. 50% of families have electric cookers; today these have become more commonplace. Moving towards what may be considered normal after a process of [unclear], 3.1% of families have acquired [unclear] ... The year ’92–’93 brought a transformation in living standards. The family budget, or assistance from income earned through agriculture, shows the sources of financing for the purchase of all these appliances. The results of the statistical survey also help balance our judgment on issues such as employment and emigration. Reservations about the statistical figures reported for unemployment are dispelled by this survey, because the concept used in the survey—people engaged in “small jobs”—makes the extent of unemployment more realistic. The survey also shows that 6% of employed people have a second job, which means they enjoy a higher level of well-being. It also sheds light on the role of emigration in the population's material standard of living. Around 12% of families in the capital have members living abroad. These are some of the results that point to optimism for the future, if we bear in mind that the phase we are going through is the most difficult one. Today we live better than yesterday; tomorrow we will live better than today. SHPETIM LUKU