Safet Zhulali

Iliaz Vrioni

Vasil Gjika (Page 2)

“The candidates to be discussed at our forthcoming sessions for admission to the Council of Europe will be Albania, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Moldova. The suspension of consideration of Russia’s candidacy in no way means that the candidacies submitted by the other countries will be suspended,” it was declared yesterday at a meeting between the President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, Miguel Martinez, and the Assembly’s vice-president. A decision on Albania’s candidacy is expected to go before the Political Committee of the Council of Europe, whose opinion will be decisive, based on the report of the European rapporteurs on Albania. The absence of a new constitution is not expected to hinder approval of Albania’s candidacy. A possible Greek veto is not thought likely to become an obstacle either. The night before last, after lengthy debates, the Council of Europe decided to suspend for the time being its consideration of Russia’s candidacy, as Russia also seeks to become a member of the Council of Europe. Sent by fax to “RD” by AURON DODI DEUTSCHE WELLE

The SP and its allies, who make up our opposition, began playing the “fight against corruption” some time ago, but with a quartet of players chosen entirely by them. Most of them, whether by inheritance or by their careers, are carriers of the virus of red, political and financial corruption. The SP itself is the product of the political and financial corruption of R. Alia’s SP; it survives and fights by feeding on its own… It advertises itself in its writings and statements as being so infected by the virus of corruption that it is the only force capable of eradicating and eliminating it, when in reality it is its cradle. Even a quick analysis would produce an alarming result for it. Couldn’t suspicions of corruption be raised on the basis of political deals and the anti-communist messages issued by some opposition leaders in Athens and Belgrade, as well as their long stays, including with their families, in the most expensive tourist hotels in Greece, and the costly properties they have bought or built—businesses, villas, hotels, venues, etc.—certainly hiding behind partnerships with a family member or a friend? The SP and our opposition as a whole easily expose themselves in this game, too, by quickly jumping from one side to the other, appearing at times as champions of a fierce fight against corruption and at other times as its defenders. The person they had portrayed as the devil of corruption is today defended by them as an angel of innocence and honesty. Sent by fax to “RD” by AURON DODI DEUTSCHE WELLE (Continued on page 3)

The anonymous ZP writer wants to continue the denigration and persecution of the past 50 years Since your newspaper, on 6 January 1995, published an article criticizing my scientific work, I am compelled to clarify the following for public opinion: I began my scientific work in the field of the history of the Albanian language in the 1970s, alongside the first researchers of the language, and received my first scientific degree, “Candidate of Sciences,” in 1985. This was because for five consecutive years (1974–1979) I was denied the right to publish for biographical reasons. “But even when I was granted it, it came with numerous restrictions. In 1983, taking advantage of the fact that, among the critics of the institution where I worked, only two teachers had enrolled in postgraduate qualification courses, I presented myself to the education section and took the necessary examinations. Within two years I obtained four postgraduate approvals and prepared the dissertation for my first scientific degree. But when I submitted it to the Department of Albanian Language, the education section did not allow me to defend any part of it, on the grounds that my work belonged to a scientific section with a limited quota, and that I had been removed from the program for “serious” but absurd reasons, namely its high scientific level. After this came a response from the Institute of Linguistics, which… [text unclear]. I had gone further than I was allowed to. Only after seven months, following many letters and meetings, was I granted permission; I defended my work and received the degree “Candidate of Sciences.” Nevertheless, the faculty’s request that I teach historical phonetics as an external lecturer was rejected by the rector, again for biographical reasons. In 1990 I submitted my second dissertation for the degree “Doctor of Sciences.” Again, it was rejected. This time the rejection came from the scientific administration, for a more specific reason: there were no linguists willing to undertake the review of a dissertation in the field in which I worked. Although the only person who had defended a dissertation in historical phonetics was Prof. Egram Çabej, linguists from other fields could have undertaken the review; this was often done before, as was only natural. In 1990 I submitted my second dissertation for the degree “Doctor of Sciences.” Again, it was rejected. This time the rejection came from the scientific administration for a more specific reason: there were no linguists willing to undertake the review of a dissertation in the field in which I worked. Although the only person who had defended a dissertation in the history of phonetics was Prof. Eqrem Çabej, linguists from other fields could have undertaken the review, as had often happened before, as had happened the first time. “Another year had to pass, with meetings and letters involving more than 20 people, and even after the scientific council approved the dissertation, the director of the Institute of Linguistics rejected my request to work at that institution, despite the fact that I had criticized [text unclear] in 1991. The same position was taken… (Continued on page 3)

Asked by our journalist about the accusations made by Imami and Teta, the Minister of the Interior, Mr. Safet Zhulali, told “RD”: Several times, including yesterday at the press conference, Messrs. Teta and Imami have made irresponsible statements directed at the Ministry of Defence and at me personally. Their purpose is known and is linked to their claims… [text unclear]. Shaken by the achievements of the Ministry of Defence, they have opposed us at every turn and now, as you can see, with the signing in Brussels of the Individual Partnership for Peace Programme document, the “Sarex 95” exercise, the meeting of the Albanian-American bilateral working group, the visit of the US Assistant Secretary of Defense, Mr. Naish, and the excellent conclusion of the meeting and talks, they are making a noise so as to deny every undeniable achievement of our Army. “Belgrade’s lackeys”! Their noise, it seems, aims to weaken, even slightly, the army’s good image in the eyes of the people and to divert attention from those repeated bluffs and fabrications, hundreds of times over. These matters have been clarified time and again, on the pages of newspapers and at press conferences. Nevertheless, Mr. Teta should not be complacent; he would do well to think and reflect on his old ties with the Serbian secret services, to the detriment of his country, for which he will have to answer. The file will soon be sent to the Prosecutor’s Office. As for Mr. Imami, I tell him that he has been to Belgrade and may have cooked up many things there with his Serbian friends to the detriment of Albania. My work, that of the ministry I lead, and that of the Army speak for themselves and need no comment. Everything is for the benefit of Albania. As for the personal accusations, I have stressed—and confirm once again—that I have publicly waived my immunity as a member of parliament so that I may testify at any time before the courts or anyone else concerning the misappropriation of funds. I also declare that from now on I will engage in official confrontations, not in the noise of political adventurers, and certainly not with “Belgrade’s lackeys.” I have confidence in the Army, and it has confidence in me. The Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces has confidence in us. We will continue our work calmly to strengthen defence, regardless of who treats us well or badly.

ARBEN MEÇAJ Secretary of the Laws Committee Late in the evening, the square in front of Parliament was full of cars waiting for the deputies, who for several days had been working with unusual intensity to give the country a new document: the Penal Code. “Monument to justice,” “the fundamental document of criminal law,” “the institutionalization of rights”—many other epithets accompanied discussion of it within the walls of the parliamentary chamber, and just as many outside. Meanwhile, an unusual indifference and disregard from the daily party and independent press accompanied this event of particular political and legal importance for the country. Much has been said about the communist legislation under which the current justice system operated. And now, as the legislation that forms the foundation of this regime’s penal policy is coming into being, there is, it seems, nothing but silence and indifference. Why? Allow me to set out some attributes, features and characteristics of this code. 1. A document of exceptional importance which, like the Code of Criminal Procedure, is a sufficient condition for Europe to consider Albania’s candidacy for membership of the Council of Europe; it also cuts across legislation that our predecessors had forcibly imposed, apparently without objection, and that was reinforced after the “No” vote in the referendum. 2. A highly important document dealing with two important aspects of criminal justice in Albania: on the one hand, the basic provisions governing the institutions and distinct principles of criminal law, and on the other, the criminal liability of an offence and the measure of its punishment. 3. A document that reflects in legal reality the values of the slogan “On the fundamental human rights”; that is, the true meaning of “the institutionalization in law of these rights, expressed as principles in the fundamental constitutional law, ‘On the Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms.’” 4. A document that clearly and broadly establishes, for the first time, a state founded on principles that begins by protecting and imposing penalties equally on all citizens, treats them equally before the law and seeks to provide effective guarantees and protection for them; penalizes every act that seeks to violate or infringe rights; protects the individual and society from crime; and aims to institutionalize and depoliticize criminal law. These are very serious elements and do not at all justify this silence and indifference. (Continued on page 3)

On 3 February 1995, a meeting of the National Council of LDGSH was held at the central headquarters of PDSH. The two main subjects of the meeting were the announcement of a new election campaign for LDGSH and the setting of a date for the Second National Congress of the organization. The meeting was opened by the chairwoman of LDGSH, Ms. Flutura Hasko, who gave an overview of the organization’s work and meetings, the issues raised by members during the preparatory period, and a number of achievements and improvements created for Albanian women after the democratic government came to power. She also stressed the awareness of the issues and difficulties involved in carrying out economic reforms. One point in Ms. Hasko’s speech was women’s participation in the Albanian press as a way of highlighting the intellectual potential currently found in this segment of Albanian society. The need to increase the number of women in the PD’s structures and integrate them into those structures was also emphasized, recalling one of the issues discussed in the PDSH National Council a few days earlier. The Secretary General of PDSH, Mr. Shehu, also attended and spoke at the meeting. It was observed that many things had changed in people’s outlook since the previous campaign. We therefore called for the full involvement of women in this new campaign, emphasizing the major role played by members of this organization in the 1992 campaign and in the local elections. He highlighted the important role of campaign work in rural areas and also mentioned the PDSH elections… [text unclear]. Questions and discussion followed, leading to an open debate on the work of the organization’s local branches and districts. The role of and ways to attract intellectual women, ways to ease the problems of assistance, obstacles and future directions, and other issues were discussed. It was decided that new elections for this organization would be held during the February–May period. PDSH Press and Information Office

From the first press conference of the PBSDH protagonists Several members of the group of initiators and protagonists behind the formation of the Albanian Social Democratic Union Party, among them Messrs. Shaqo, Starova, and Haxhimyeri, met journalists in Tirana yesterday for the first time. They had previously not been involved in politics. The formation of the Albanian Social Democratic Union Party has been welcomed by some European social-democratic politicians, including Peter Rosenbach, chairman of the coordinating group for Albania in… [text unclear]. The country’s strategic orientation toward tourism, modern agriculture, infrastructure, energy, and the food industry; an incentive-based tax system; a social solution for the rural population in the former agricultural enterprises; and an industrial privatization suited to the Mediterranean context, at a level comparable to European countries—these were presented to journalists at the press conference. PBSDH says it is presenting itself to Albanian society with a new political morality, which its very composition will guarantee. In answering journalists’ questions, the policies behind the divisions and the major differences within the PSD were clarified once again. “The conservative leadership could not tolerate diversity within the Party, so we formed a new political organization, convinced that we would fill a segment of genuine social democracy. We saw,” Mr. Starova continued, “that the PSD leadership did not want to remain so small as to be disregarded as a political force, but neither did it want to become so large as to compete with the Socialist Party.” This “duality” gave rise to diversity and the major split, and to the “labeling” of people as puppets by the PSD’s conservative leadership, who would reserve this for something planned. The reasons can easily be found when one abandons the political platform around which one has organized; indeed, they are not genuine reasons but precedents. One of them was the issue of coalitions, which, as was said at the press conference, was a concrete political reality. This coalition was fictitious only in the minds of PSD leaders who wanted to steer the party toward the extreme left, journalists were told. Mr. Haxhimyeri also gave an example of how the coalition worked at the grassroots: the representation of the PSD in Elbasan alongside the PS in the by-election for the council in Bajzë, where the latter formed the basis of the coalition, which had worked and continued to work very well. The protagonists of the group that formed the Albanian Social Democratic Union Party again expressed serious reservations about the Democratic Government and the reform of the PD itself, which they described as a space for open democracy and political emancipation. The country’s strategic orientation toward tourism, modern agriculture, infrastructure, energy, and the food industry; an incentive-based tax system; a social solution for the rural population in the former agricultural enterprises; and an industrial privatization suited to the Mediterranean context, at a level comparable to European countries—these were presented to journalists at the press conference. (Photo: A. DHIMITRI)

Unexpectedly and without warning, TVSH yesterday thrust the figure of “the Philosopher” before Albanian viewers. Lenin appeared, carefully staged by the dictator’s well-known director of praise, Viktor Gjika, who seems to prefer, among his works, not the film “November 2” but “Lenin.” It is not known how the director of this programme came up with such an original idea, but it is immediately clear that nostalgic people from the dictatorship’s film studios continue to work at that institution—people tied to the dark past, who do everything they can to bring back those dark times and show how real it was when they worked on the film “Party.” They say that… [text unclear]. It was quite a sight to watch G. Rujçi wiping away tears with a handkerchief when Lenin’s portrait appeared on the screen. (Continued on page 2)