There will absolutely be no kind of split. As party chairman, I will do my utmost so that we, as the DP, move forward together, in unity, within the Democratic Party, not only in the Assembly but also in the 1996 elections I support President Berisha’s statement on the Kosovo issue The Macedonian government should make every effort to meet the demands of the Albanians living in Macedonia . There will absolutely be no kind of split. As party chairman, I will do my utmost so that we, as the DP, move forward together, in unity, within the Democratic Party, not only in the Assembly but also in the 1996 elections. I support President Berisha’s statement on the Kosovo issue. The Macedonian government should make every effort to meet the demands of the Albanians living in Macedonia. VOICE OF AMERICA: Yesterday, you held a meeting of the Democratic Party leadership, where the option presented to you concerning the parliamentary route for adopting the Constitution was discussed. Was this your own idea or a new position of the party? Secondly, since you have returned from Europe, what is the Council of Europe’s view of the route for adopting the Constitution? Does the Constitution continue to be a condition for Albania’s admission to the Council of Europe? Finally, when you insist that the Constitution be submitted to Parliament for approval, do you take into account the fact that the DP does not have the two-thirds majority needed to approve it? ANSWER: It is true ... [text continues outside the frame] ... in the Council of Europe. The last time, we did not receive a definitive answer as to whether we would be admitted in April or in September. ... not in April or in September. ... [Some] members of a party share the same view, and those who do not share this view should leave the party or create another party. We are a democratic, contemporary party; we believe in our program and respect the differing views of the party’s various representatives. Blendi Fevziu: ALEANCA: How would you comment on recent statements concerning cigarette smuggling and violations of the embargo, in which the name of the Minister of Defense, Zhulali, has been implicated? Secondly, do you think President Berisha’s statement yesterday—that the DP will form a coalition with one force and will not form one with another political force—constitutes an intrusion into the party chairman’s authority? ANSWER: ... [the remainder of the text is cut off at the bottom of the image] ANSWER: Regarding the first question, I think there has been quite a lot of this kind of political talk concerning corruption. I am in favor of intensifying the fight against it, because it is indeed a problem, but this should be done by specialized bodies and not merely through political propaganda. I have no specific opinion on these matters, since I do not know about them. Regarding the second question, I do not think it does, because the DP has made a statement on coalitions and alliances through our Secretary General, and what the President has said about these alliances does not contradict the DP’s position. I repeat once again that we are not a pyramidal party in which a member of the leadership, the chairman, or a group has exclusive authority to decide. Under the party statute, this authority belongs to the party chairman, but, of course, ours is an open party where different views can be expressed, including by ordinary representatives, and even more so in this particular case, which does not concern an ordinary member of the leadership but the President of the Republic. ANSWER: I do not agree that the President’s shadow has dominated the DP. I think there has always been cooperation, as well as diversity, for the good of the work and of the issues at hand. I do not think we will change the structure of our relations. I think the National Assembly is authorized to examine the specific relations between representatives of the government and representatives of the DP. As for the second question, I agree with that decision which is ... (Continued on page 2) Photo: Felix Bilani

Yesterday, the parliamentary group of the Democratic Party met at the Parliament headquarters. The meeting was also attended by President Sali Berisha, DP Chairman Eduard Selami, and Prime Minister Meksi. The group discussed the forthcoming presentation of the report by the joint government-parliamentary group and the task assigned to it concerning the return of property to former owners. The group was briefed on the commission’s work to date. The group praised the work done by specialists on the law on the stock exchange and securities, which will soon begin circulating again. The group also discussed Mr. Selami’s latest option, recently made known to the public, concerning the Constitution first being submitted to Parliament. The debate that had begun was cut short after the deputies requested that the Democratic Party leadership meet to discuss and decide in which forum this issue should be debated. RD CORRESPONDENT

Speech by the Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Mr. Arbnori, at the meeting on preventing blood feuds Honorable Chairman of the Committee for Defense, Public Order and SHIK, Honorable Members of Parliament, Mr. Prosecutor General, prefects, local government officials and police officers, Honored friends and guests, This meeting on “The situation and the measures that must be taken by government authorities to prevent blood feuds” is of particular importance for public order, justice and social relations in Albania. The freedom that had been denied and dreamed of for nearly half a century, now that it has arrived, must not be abused but valued just as it is among other civilized peoples. ... is the law of the occupiers. Many chapters and articles of the Kanun have aggravating provisions. Unfortunately, killings motivated by blood feuds have increased in several northern districts. Issues are being revived for which the descendants bear no responsibility, because they cannot answer for their fathers or grandfathers. These killings have also increased because unlicensed weapons are still being kept and the law governing them is not being enforced. Law-enforcement bodies have uncovered many cases of unlawful possession of weapons, but two or three people have been sentenced while the others have been released. Either we must enforce the law or change it so that it is effective. This situation cannot continue. ... [text continues outside the frame] It is the duty of law-enforcement bodies to take preventive measures to stop new cases of blood feud. I believe SHIK can also help in this regard. The judicial authorities should take more seriously and more diligently blood feud. I receive dozens of letters in which the families of victims complain that the killers or instigators are either released as defendants or set free on laughable pretexts. Of course, not all the letters are well-founded; justice requires solid evidence of crimes, but the failure to take ... (Continued on page 2) “of the that was absent it has arrived, must not be abused but should be valued just as it is among other civilized peoples. In recent years, some people have confused anarchy with freedom. In a democratic country, freedom above all means respecting the law, respecting human rights, and fighting self-government. Some people understood freedom as the opportunity to do anything, without respecting the state, the individual, or society. This led to the spread of some ugly customs and practices, among which the most serious is blood feuding. The positive role of the Kanun is historically recognized. At a time when we had no state, when we were occupied by the Ottomans, and when a large part of the Albanian population—especially in the unsubdued areas and the highlands—needed a law, it was not something that time could erase; but the chapter on blood feuding has no place in a legal system. Self-government is contrary to the law. Everyone must be clear and fully aware of this. The excuse used by defendants in court—“I killed him because he had killed, beaten, and wounded me”—is not a mitigating circumstance but

Finally, when you insist that the Constitution be submitted to Parliament for approval, do you take into account the fact that the DP does not have the two-thirds majority needed to approve it? true that the issue of the Constitution was discussed in the DP National Council, and the DP National Council has adopted a decision that Albania should have a Constitution as soon as possible. I stand by this view of the National Council and am making efforts to turn this decision into reality. Since we have found no support from any political force—not from our allies, nor from the parliamentary parties, nor from the parties outside Parliament—for keeping Parliament out of the discussion of the Constitution, and since, in principle, we as a party have not been against Parliament but had thought it should first go to a referendum and then be ratified—a proposal that the other political forces did not approve—I proposed that the possibility of discussing the Constitution in Parliament be considered. It is true that this issue was discussed yesterday by the Democratic Party leadership. The view was supported, but no position was established that it should be discussed in Parliament. In any case, the Party leadership is not the highest authority that makes decisions; that is the National Council, and, of course, the National Council will take up this issue. I repeat once again that I do not regard the way the Constitution is adopted as a matter of principle or importance. For me, what is a matter of principle and importance for the DP and Albania is Regarding Europe’s position: Albania does not have a constitutional vacuum; it has constitutional laws, but they are not satisfactory, because we believe that Albania, owing to its lack of tradition and the problems it faces, must have a Constitution. This has been a request of the Council of Europe, but it does not constitute a condition for Albania; it will not be a condition for this. It has created other [conditions]. I head our delegation ANSWER: I am not on the Council of Europe, but ultimately we have not received a definitive and final answer as to whether it will be in April or in September. The answer has been that it is possible, and I am optimistic that we will be admitted. But, as you know, this optimism—not only mine, but also Dokle’s, who is more skeptical than I am—has not been borne out during these three years in which we have been waiting at the doors of the Council of Europe. The truth is that today it is not a condition, while the suggestions I have received about how the Constitution should be approved in Albania do not offer any political reason for excluding Parliament from discussing the Constitution; that is why I defend this position. As for submitting the Constitution to Parliament, I naturally bear in mind the fact that the DP does not have two-thirds. Any calculation involving Parliament starts with arithmetic, and I do not think there is much point in laboring to establish that we do not currently have two-thirds. But this is not enough to avoid any kind of discussion, because then it would be a paradox: Albania would approve laws by a two-thirds majority only when one political force had two-thirds. That does not often happen in contemporary political life, so in Albania too, as a civilized country, political forces must understand that there are things that divide us, but there are also problems that unite us, and it is best to resolve them in the national interest. ALTERNATIVA SD: Besnik Shaqiri: In the context of the questions I am going to ask, I remind you of a passage from a statement made by the President of the Republic at the DP leadership meeting. Among other things, he says: “I welcome the establishment of the Albanian Right League and the Albanian Social Democratic Union. I am convinced that these forces, together with several other parties—the DP as the locomotive of Albanian democracy, I emphasize this phrase—will serve to help prevent the possibility of a restoration, which has been inaugurated by anti-reform forces led by the PS leadership.” In this context, my question, as DP chairman, is ... The Chairman?

Bесnik Shaqiri: In the context of the questions I am going to ask, I remind you of a passage from a statement made by the President of the Republic at a meeting of the PD leadership. Bесnik statement made by the President of the Republic at a meeting of the PD leadership. Among other things, he says: “I welcome the creation of the Albanian Right-Wing that these forces, as well as several other parties—PD serve to prevent the possibility of restoration, in which anti-reform forces have been inaugurated, is, as chairman of the PD, without… ANSWER.—I think these questions are not for me. So there is no point in directing questions to me that are for the President. When the President holds a press conference, put these questions to him. The statement is personal; it is not made on behalf of the party, so this is an issue that has nothing to do with me. ZER I POPULLIT: Hamdi Jupë: What was President Berisha’s position, as a member of the PD leadership, on your idea for the Constitution at yesterday’s meeting? Second, do you think the new idea for the Constitution could divide the PD into two groups? ANSWER.—As for the first question, not only the President’s position, but, as I said, the majority of the leadership did not agree with this view, which, as I said, will be discussed in the National Council and in the PD parliamentary group. As for the second question, I think there will absolutely be no division of any kind. we, as the PD, only in Parliament but also in the 1996 elections. We must get used to a democratic framework, in which not everyone within… ANSWER.—I think the President agrees with this polarization: what premises do these forces start from? I am referring to the PSD: they seek a state governed by the rule of law, the implementation of social reform in the country, and a fight against corruption at every level. And, given their final position on the Constitution, or the fact that a political force—as the President put it, “which will be the locomotive”—does not accept their diktat? for the President. When the President appears at do with me. ANSWER.—As for the first question, I think enough has been said about this policy regarding it, since have no specific opinion on these issues, since I am not familiar with them. As for the second question, I do not think it constitutes a problem, because the PD has made a statement on this, through our Secretary General, regarding coalitions and alliances, not conflict with the PD’s pyramid-like party, in which a leadership member, the chairman, or a group has the exclusive right to speak. Under the statutes, this right belongs to the party chairman, but it is understood that ours is an open party where different opinions can be expressed, including by ordinary representatives; moreover, in this particular case we are not talking about an ordinary member of the leadership, but about the President of the Republic. JAVA: The President, Berisha, has so far dominated all the PD’s political lines. Do you think this has compelled the PD, and will there be new relations between the PD and Berisha in the future? Second, how would you comment on the disavowal of the protagonists of the Anti-Fascist War, including Haxhi Lleshi? ANSWER.—I PD. diversity, for the good of our think we will change the framework and representatives of the PD. which was… (Continued on page 2)

SAMI MILLOSHI PS Deputy Chairman Servet Pellumbi apparently knows a great deal about other people’s clocks. Thus, he supposes that President Berisha’s clock stopped on March 22, 1992. Why does Pellumbi speculate this way? Because either he himself has no watch at all, or, hard as it may be to believe, his own clock has stopped. And his clock stopped on November 8, 1941, although Ramiz Alia, from whom Pellumbi pretended to distance himself, forced him to reset his clock on June 11, 1991, the day the PP put on the PS’s costume. Why has Pellumbi’s clock stopped? Because to this day he refuses to accept the verdict delivered by the people on March 22, 1992. Because even today, despite pretending to be a socialist leader, in reality, at heart, he represents the conservative leadership, which has not accidentally usurped a party whose ranks certainly also include many honest and civilized people who aspire to the ideals of the European left-wing socialists. Pellumbi’s clock has stopped because it sits at Enver Hoxha’s banquet table. So if he dares to speak of failures during the period of democracy—which is absurd—Pellumbi would do well, in his own style of dialectical analysis, to speak, however briefly, about whether the PP had failures and why Albanians stormed the embassy gates in July 1990. Pellumbi must not forget that people’s memories are still fresh. His sophistry cannot distort them, whether it is cooked up and spoken in Tirana, or cooked up in Tirana and spoken in Brussels. On March 22, yes, one clock stopped and another clock began to run. The clock of dictatorship, the clock of Enver Hoxha, stopped—the one Pellumbi continues to wind. On March 22, a different, new clock began to run: THE CLOCK OF DEMOCRACY. Whether Pellumbi likes it or not, THIS CLOCK cannot be stopped.

THE SUCCESSES OF DEMOCRACY

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