. Yesterday, in the “ZP” leaflet, PS deputy chairman Mr. S. Pellumbi, in a fiery response, astonished Albanian public opinion by conveying the latest conclusions of the Enverists and Enverologists: that the failed PS is ready for an alliance with the reformed members of this party, the PD. In other words, yesterday the chief Marxist ideologue openly revealed the new platform for alliances based on political crime with the hyenas of democracy. On this occasion, it is time to remind the chief Marxist of the PS once again, who considers Marx’s philosophy the pinnacle of human philosophical thought, that the PD, since its founding and always, has regarded and will regard such an alliance as a true betrayal of national ideals. For the PD, agreeing to an alliance with Albanian Marxists is the same as marrying the values of democracy to the devil (the principles of Marx[?]). Mr. Pellumbi’s request or invitation for an alliance comes in collaboration with adventurist elements who imagine that they can overthrow this government in 10 days and bring Mr. Pellumbi himself to power. This request demonstrates the desire of the Enverists and Enverologists at the head of the PS to bring about, through an alliance, the sweet death of Albanian democracy. It also proves that this group is as cunning, greedy, and merciless in its pursuit of office as it is incapable, compromised, and unfit to govern. In one year—or in their year ’91, remembered by history as the year of famine—they formed three governments, definitively proving that they belong to the past when it comes to governing. The PD’s morality, programme, and history leave no room for doubt about the conviction that an alliance with the PS and the return of the communists to power would be a catastrophe for Albania, and those who stand alongside the PS will be collaborators in this catastrophe.

The truth about the Constitution The current Albanian socialist leadership made its anti-reform platform public immediately after the elections of 22 March. This group, in cooperation with the motionists, decided at their meeting at the beginning of May to coordinate all their efforts to create a parliamentary crisis when the Constitution was presented. This would be achieved by blocking its adoption and, at the same time, discrediting Parliament, which, having been declared incapable of giving the country a Constitution, was to be dissolved as a failed Parliament, thereby leading to early elections. However, over these three years the Albanian Parliament has fulfilled, and continues to fulfil honourably, its mission of carrying out the deepest legislative reforms in Albania’s history. There is no doubt that the Constitution would be one of Parliament’s major duties, but deep and comprehensive reform remains its foremost task. Also, following the adoption of the Charter of Rights and other constitutional freedoms, Albania has no present-day vacuum [?]. Albanian socialists denounced in Parliament the Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms, which international experts have described as an excellent document on human rights and freedoms, fully consistent with the European Convention on Human Rights. To think after this that they want the Constitution is like believing that a dove could be born from the union of a snake and a hedgehog—or, to put it mildly, that you are in dire trouble with them. But regardless of their position, the Charter of Human Rights was adopted in Parliament, and the working group that drafted this excellent document, appointed by the Constitutional Commission, continued its work intensively and completed the draft Constitution on 12 June 1993. It submitted it to the full commission and to Mr. Arbnori, who reviewed it and placed it on every member of Parliament’s desk. Thus, the draft Constitution arrived in Parliament on 13 June, taking the Enverists by surprise. Faced with this situation, they brought out Gjinushi t… [?] … (continuation of the text in the visible columns) The first reactions of the Ruçi–Gjinushi duo were wholly opposed to this idea. They even denounced the referendum as a constitutional coup by the President. But sensing the massive public participation in the referendum, they changed their position, decided to take part, formed an unconstitutional alignment, and conducted the most scandalous and insulting campaign in Albania’s history. On 6 November, the people voted no to the draft Constitution. After the referendum, the socialists and social democrats, who had taken part in it, immediately and with complete absurdity and illegitimacy appealed to the Constitutional Court to denounce it, that is, also… … (the text in the columns continues and is cut off by the lower edge of the image) Albania. There is no doubt that the Constitution would be among Parliament’s major responsibilities, but deep and comprehensive reform remains its foremost task. Moreover, following the approval has no legislative vacuum; this was also confirmed after the referendum by the Political Commission of the Council of Europe in its latest report of this year. On the other hand, it is now well known that most parliaments cannot approve constitutions for the sole reason that this requires the main political force to have a two-thirds majority. And when there is no two-thirds majority, it never happens that a minority determines a country’s constitution—that is, dictates it to the majority. Indeed, precisely for these reasons, some Eastern European countries, such as Poland and Hungary, which began reforms many years before us, still do not have new constitutions. Despite this, the leaders of the PS, in cooperation with their friends in Parliament, never abandoned their fixed idea of provoking early elections by blocking the Constitution in Parliament. An Albania without a Constitution was and remains the entire objective of their Party. To achieve these aims, they used every means, from walking out of Parliament to breaking the consensus and withdrawing from the Constitutional Commission. Let us look at the facts: Their position on approving the Charter of Human Rights. The Albanian socialist leaders, after giving their consent at the meeting of the chairmen of the parliamentary groups at the beginning of April 1993 to approve the Charter of Human Rights, withdrew it only two days after they had agreed. The communists repeated Mjuka, convinced that the PD would not be able to obtain two-thirds and that Albania would not have a Charter of Human Rights. Thus, just like Enver Hoxha 20 years earlier, who denounced the Helsinki Act as a work of the imperialists and anti-imperialists, Enverists and social-imperialists. The first Constitution after communism. Following the practice of Parliament by the PSD deputies, the Democratic Party could no longer muster two-thirds, and as a result all chances and opportunities to approve a genuinely democratic Constitution in Parliament were lost. All its articles would henceforth be determined by Ruçi and Gjinushi, and it would be a reproduction of the red Constitution, naturally in pink. To believe that they want a Constitution is just like believing in barbarism with a human face, that is, in the doctrine of Marks[it?]. A Constituent Assembly as a possible way to approve the Constitution—but once again the Ruçi-Gjinushi duo reacted negatively to this proposal. They even launched a campaign of slander and wholly unfounded accusations, claiming that the President would decree the Assembly, at a time when he absolutely had no such authority and had never said anything of the sort. Only Parliament could and would decide this. Faced with this situation, the PD, together with its deputies, could submit a draft constitution. The Socialists brought it to the Assembly, but the consultations were insufficient; immediately after the referendum in which they had participated, they absurdly and in complete illegality turned to the Constitutional Court to have it condemned—that is, they themselves also withdrew, even though they had taken part. Whereas the PD, as a serious and deeply democratic political force, immediately accepted the people’s verdict, decided to make the necessary corrections to its position and offered the appropriate compromises so that the country could have a constitution. Less than a week after the referendum, the President of the Republic called the chairmen and representatives of the parliamentary parties to a meeting on the constitutional issue and proposed to them: 1. Withdrawal of the draft Constitution that was not approved on 6 November; 2. Abolition of the parliamentary commission that drafted this proposed constitution; 3. Election of a new parliamentary commission to draft the proposed constitution; 4. Selection, as a model for the separation of powers, of one of the 15 models used by European Union countries, since the main criticisms and objections of the extreme left forces had concerned the separation of powers and the President’s powers; 5. As an alternative, the meeting proposed creating a commission of experts appointed by Parliament, with international experts also participating as advisers in drafting the constitutional model. Faced with these proposals, which offered only a broad basis for compromise on drafting a new constitutional proposal, the socialist leadership agreed at the meeting of the presidium of the parliamentary groups that Parliament should establish a new commission in which the Democrats and Republicans would participate. This meeting took place on 6 November; the people said no to the draft Constitution. After the referendum in which they had participated, the Socialists and Social Democrats immediately, though they had taken part. With a history in Albania. Socialists and Social Democrats immediately, have a constitution. All these facts clearly and conclusively prove that playing games with the Constitution is one of the PS’s most irresponsible acts. The PS has sought, and continues to seek, through this game to provoke a parliamentary crisis and early elections, as well as to leave the country without a Constitution. The clearest evidence of this is its position on the Charter of Human Rights; its walkout from Parliament when the draft Constitution was presented there; its campaign against the referendum; its denunciation of the referendum; its boycott of the consensus on establishing the new commission to draft the Constitution; and, finally, the Omari bluff. After all this, it is clear that submitting the Constitution to Parliament can be nothing other than a pretext for early elections or for giving the country a Ruçi-style Constitution, because believing that Marxists truly want a Constitution is just like believing that crocodiles can fly.

PDH chairman Mr. Eduard Selami tells the BBC QUESTION: Mr. Selami, several political forces have welcomed your proposal to pass the Constitution in Parliament. Meanwhile, there is talk of a political struggle underway within the PD. What comment would you make? ANSWER: First of all, I would say it is positive that this initiative, which concerns a concrete issue, has found support. The view is that, on important national issues, despite political differences and differences between the PD’s bodies, there should be an open democratic spirit in which everyone can express their opinion. These are issues and processes that are entirely normal in the Democratic Party, where opinions are freely expressed and then the procedures decided by the relevant bodies must be followed. QUESTION: Meanwhile, a new phrase has become common these days, as if an alliance between the PS and the PD were being established. What would your response to this issue be? ANSWER: I think this is far from reality. It is true that the PS has made a request about the possibility of this, but my view, not only as party chairman but also as a personal opinion, is that we are against any coalition with the PS. We are against any alliance with the PS. This is not in the PD’s interests. At the present political moment, this is not in Albania’s interests.

Yesterday in the People’s Assembly Parliament’s two-year work program and the President’s decree abolishing taxes and excise duties on kerosene, liquefied gas, etc., approved Approval of the People’s Assembly’s two-year work program was the subject of debate among the deputies at yesterday’s plenary session. This program, presented by the Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Pjeter Arbnori, and previously reviewed and approved by the presidium and the chairmen of the parliamentary groups, was considered and approved by the deputies, although proposals were also made to include a number of interpellations, draft laws, etc., in the program. This two-year work program includes a number of draft laws previously reviewed by the parliamentary committees, as well as several interpellations, among them one with the Minister of Finance, requested by the PS parliamentary group; question sessions with the Prosecutor General; a report on the “Çekini” matter, etc. Afterwards, deputy Aferdita Zeri, on behalf of the deputies from the district of Berat, made a statement concerning the car accident that occurred that day in Berat. The statement highly praised the work of the law-enforcement, civil-protection and medical authorities in handling the situation, and expressed deep concern over the failure to observe the rules and traffic regulations. Deputy Zeri asked Parliament to send a telegram to the victims’ families. Parliament approved this request. Yesterday’s plenary session then continued with discussion and approval of the Decree of the President of the Republic, Sali Berisha, “On the abolition of the turnover tax,” which removes the tax on imported kerosene and liquefied gas, as well as on firewood used to heat the population’s homes. The decree also abolishes the excise duty on liquefied gas imported for the population, as well as on domestic mazut and solar [fuel] used to produce steam for heating the population’s homes. Parliament then continued its proceedings with the ratification of (Continued on page 2)

Professional stability turned “Rilindja” into a true political institution The State of Today must be wise enough to seek an alliance with traditional laws RUDOLF MARKU, member of parliament Page 2

To the families of the people who lost their lives in the road accident in the district of Berat

To the families of the people who lost their lives in the road accident in the district of Berat The People’s Assembly learned with sorrow of the accidental deaths of your relatives and extends its sincere condolences to you. Such losses grieve the entire population and send a clear message about taking the necessary measures to prevent their recurrence in the future. At today’s plenary session of the Assembly, MP Aferdita Zeri, on behalf of the members of Parliament from the district of Berat, made a statement about this tragedy, which was approved by all the members of Parliament. Our democratic state will stand by the families of those who lost their lives and those who were injured, helping to resolve their problems. FOR THE PRESIDIUM OF THE PEOPLE’S ASSEMBLY The Chairman PJETER ARBNORI Tirana, 15.2.1995