“... I TOLD YOU, THERE WILL BE VIOLENCE AND MANIPULATIONS, THEREFORE WE WILL LOSE!...” ELECTIONS THE SHADOW OF YOURSELF DUKAGJIN HATA The syndrome of the forewarned defeat has turned the germs of “revolutionary” violence in the leadership of the Socialist opposition into monsters of political absurdity. These irresponsible species, unique of their kind, in order to justify the inevitable defeat in the upcoming elections, want to inject into public opinion the psychology of violence, with which, according to them, Albanians will be warned in the elections. It has not been long since the politics of the former protagonists of shame and crime, tossing into the press the masquerade of “independent” slogans, which may perhaps be useful only as relics in the museum of world paradoxes. The quartet of Marxists at the head of the PS, Nano, Ruçi, Pëllumbi and Dokle, with doses of fantastic arrogance, have not failed to call on Slavic means, from political corpses to violence gangs, in the name of the guarantee of a political future. They have spoken of new scenarios, of the next five years in socialist power, of terror, of their Kafkaesque bastions, have waved the red mantle over legitimate and illegitimate tribununes, unleashing bolts of curses which, for the sake of truth, even their wives have not taken seriously. Scattered everywhere in failures and losses in their campaign of staffs, our socialists have tried, in a demencial oversight of legal electoral practice, to create precedents for the crisis of talent and likewise the defeat of the “pacifism” of bitterness. In this vein appear the former minister of political police Gramoz Ruçi, and the former volunteer policeman Skender Gjinushi in the pages of the newspaper “Intervista” A ha sown violence, terror and the latest genocide in Albania, after the political warning had appeared, together with a moderated psychology, completely unlike those who hid their heads behind the politics of getting away from Albanian politics wherever possible. The leaders of the old political class, one from the party of continuity, the other the personification of “social democracy” without social democrats, again seek to revive the ghost of violence, which does not exist anywhere except in their heads. In their own interests they want to throw into public opinion the prophecy of blood that guided the Bolshevik revolution in Albania for half a century, and laid the foundations of a world without classes and individuality with skulls and bones. The man who continues to show us his teeth at the head of politics, with no other morality by virtue of the achievements of freedom, chief Gramoz Ruçi, says that violence in every case must be answered with violence. I want to make a political clarification to the first two questions: where is the violence that we are not seeing, the users, where is its personification, in a more immediate scenario, still continuing to threaten Albanians with its ominous ghost? Secondly, where would you be today, Gramoz Ruçi, if this people, tolerating that nothing unites it with you, the criminal and self-justice, had responded to your crimes, massacres, violence and terror with violence? The fear of the forewarned defeat that awaits you has made you hallucinatory and aggressive, wanting to artificially tense the situation with phantasmagoric precedents, not when you seek to revive the sleep of graves and tragic nights in Yugoslavia, but by incriminating Albanian society and the political class, since you yourselves cast yourselves and become incriminated. Albanians do not forget the victories of You and Ramiz Alia, they do not forget his prosecutor Sali Berisha and so on, locked in the era of the cold, locked in the furniture of years of exodus, to sell a small minority of crime, sheltered in Fushë Arrëz, the murders, the group of legal bereft, and imprisoned, because you had gripped them first in certain mountain prisons legal and police. Here are we? dead with democracy and the violence that you want to revive from the ashes of your acts in order to justify failure, ignorance. Even the agrarians, whom we say are helped by the politics of leftovers, as in the case of Gjinushi, do them no great service, first because they represent phantom political forces, second because they are your apologists and cannot do it, third because they have exercised backward cries of violence at the head of communist institutions. The “legal violence” of which this Skender Gjinushi speaks, referring to article 3 of the law on genocide, is the phobia linked to the past that tries, with its surrealism, to implicate the other parties of Albanian politics, which he cannot see face to face. This old mule in Albanian turns the old enverist hack into a political sang, whose environment has been spoiled by excessive use of the positions of Ramiz Alia and Fatos Nano. As for Mr. Ceka, who says that “I have not experienced any physical violence either from the power of Ramiz Alia or from the current one”, we must tell him, as the man of Meksi, that Ramiz Alia could not exert violence over his discipline, whom they used to call day and night NERITAN ALIA. The pathology of the forewarned defeat, which they rightly see as inevitable, has led our opposition to seek hypotheses beyond the moral and political crisis, beyond the crisis of alternatives. Their terrible failures throughout Albania, despite efforts to conceal them from segments of the democratic majority, are a grotesque reality for the opposition and stem from dogmatic collapse, the burden of criminal inheritance and the school of anti-reform. The defeat is within them, in their program, in the electorate that is tired of the “evidence” of the arduous and wearying neocommunist leaders, who can bring the Albanians nothing other than the turns of the Marxist school of Pëllumbi and the weakness of the old she-wolf in the tribunals of Gramoz Ruçi’s prefectures.

Flajtef: The anti-genocide law is far too lenient in Albania The Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Pjeter Arbnori, received Mr. Verner Flajtef of the “Konrad - Adenauer” Foundation, who is visiting our country. During the meeting, Mr. Arbnori gave a brief overview of the achievements made during these democratic years in the legislative, economic and political fields. “We,” he said, “have been very tolerant and lenient with those who committed crimes during the years of dictatorship in Albania. Therefore, the anti-genocide law will give justice the opportunity to place before the dock those who committed crimes against the innocent people.” For his part, Mr. Flajtef said that he felt that democracy opened the broadest possible path of freedom for people and greatly expanded the space of freedoms in Albania. He shared Mr. Arbnori’s view that the anti-genocide law is far too lenient in Albania.

The newspapers of the far left announced the news: “Nano withdrew from the Cassation trial.” Nano himself, in a letter to his lawyer Sanxhaku, after insulting Albanian justice and its representatives, tarnished the sensational news of his surrender. This is a defeat for Nano. The man who underwent a transformation from being the standard-bearer of Nano’s conviction to being his lawyer is no longer at the head of the pyramid of justice. The transformation of the rope did not help Nano. Nano’s withdrawal was also accompanied by another loss. This is not a matter of legal or moral character, since Nano is used to such losses. This time it is a matter of financial loss. There may be debate over the amount, but approximately (Nano knows better) it should be around 500 thousand dollars. Nothing should be spared for the release of Nano, this “statesman”. In this context were also the fundraising efforts for Nano by the PS organization or from other sources abroad. Nano was lost; he should not spend money anymore. Money, Albanian or foreign, is no longer of use to him. Therefore Nano suffered a double defeat. E.DIBRA

Only a 0.7% rise is recorded by the consumer price index for the month of October. This monthly inflation trend promises an annual rate of 7–10%. Only a 0.7% rise is recorded by the consumer price index for the month of October This monthly inflation trend promises an annual rate of 7 - 10 % Stabilizing inflation has rightly been described as one of the Government of Meksi’s main macroeconomic achievements. However, the significance of this achievement does not seem to have the proper emotional weight for ordinary citizens. The frequent reference to inflation as an expression of the success of the process hidden behind the term makes it possible to “inflate” values of this kind. Therefore, for ordinary citizens to understand control over inflation as an achievement directly linked to their interests, it is necessary to clarify several practical questions: what was the overall picture of high final prices at very high levels, and how does it look today when inflation in October also rose by only 0.7%? Inflation is more correctly identified with the index of consumer goods prices. In the period 1990–1992, this index was rising at a galloping pace from month to month, by several hundred percent. Because prices were rising noticeably, the same amount of money bought less goods than before. For working-class citizens and pensioners, it was the quiet loss of the value of their savings and direction. A rise in final prices was nothing other than a stimulus to inflation. For the consumer, the fact that the price index rose by only 0.7, both in October and in the previous months, has only one meaning. With his income he continues to buy the same quantity of goods and to carry out the same services. For the depositor it means saving deposits from erosion. For the Government, however, the monthly inflation rate of 0.7% means the achievement of its annual target in this area as well. If for the last two months of the year we also have the same increase in consumer prices as in October, then the objective of an annual rate of 7–10% will be achieved, declares the General Governor of the Bank of Albania Kristaq Luniku. By bringing in the basis of this background, which retrospection provides, the value of inflation with its head down becomes even clearer and more evident in simple wisdom. For the consumer, the fact that the price index rose by only 0.7, both in October and in the previous months, has only one meaning. With his income he continues to buy the same quantity of goods and to carry out the same services. For the depositor it means saving deposits from erosion. SHPETIM LUKU

Why do “ZP” and the “independent” papers keep insisting on the need to remember a forgotten man under the weight of extremely grave sins against the Albanians. In reality, no one is now concerned with the man named Fatos Th. Nano. Not in Europe, nor in the chancellories of Europe. Not because of the fault of the policy of today’s democratic state, nor of the laws of this state, nor of this or that official, as Mr. Zeri tries every day to accuse the chaos. And beyond that, not even the communist European chancellories could block Albania’s accession to the relevant structures. What truth if the people burst forth. This accusation suits Fatos Th. Nano very well. This Tosi of the P.S. knew it well, as if he were a small Tirana native he was a clever little brat, well known, but from a young age he was a great rogue. Maybe because Fatos likes to write first he should do well to reflect on his sins as soon as he became prime minister after the victory of the PPSh, after 31 March ’91. Who stirred up the Shkodër events on 2 April ’91? The prime minister of the state must know the murders with names and surnames. Let him recount them in his letters to “ZP”. Who incited the exoduses and barbarity against the nation’s economy and culture during the black year 1991? The prime minister should know. Who killed the boys (the anti-poor among the “directs”) who crossed the hilltops on wires to escape the dictatorship of Fatos’s Party? In the months of March, April, May, July of that macabre year ’91? Should former Prime Minister Nano know? Not only does he know, but together with Ramiz and Gramoz he played the leading role. That is normal! Your letter, Mr. Fatos, is worth only for cleaning up the liberals and anti-Marxists of the PS. You do well, unfortunately for the timid Albanian socialists, in doing this task. You yourself are also convinced that you are guilty. Your non-participation in the third cassation hearing is the most significant act that labels you. I am guilty, you self-confess, no need to tire yourself out for nothing. We feel “pain” for the loss of hope from you, Mr. Fatos, you remain today the optimist of the P.S. (du). You become ridiculous when you say: “I and my comrades will work together for all forces to take power, through elections.” Done! It was in heaven. The power of the PD and Berisha was given by around 70% of Albanians on 22 March 1992, and they will give it again in 1996. You, a man of the red conspiracy of the forgers of the worst genocides, have your clock stuck in 1991, precisely on that day when the people of Tirana, the miners, the students, all of Albania, shouted at you from the horse-like position as a worthy representative of the communist nomenklatura. Do you remember spring 1991? You are fooling yourself, because you and your comrades will not take power again in Albania. Other accusations also weigh upon you. New complaints from mothers and sisters have been filed against the people of genocide in Tirana and in the districts. Other sins are expected to fall upon you. Thieves and criminals have no future in politics! Dylem Karaj

As reliable sources report, PS delegations have set out to meet the leaders of the newly formed Communist International, and according to the same source we are informed that representatives of the PSSH have been entrusted with the mission of helping the new Marxist-Leninist parties taking part in this International. It is reported that the invitation to the PS leaders came via Belgrade; they will even meet Milosević’s Mariana. It is not known whether, in addition to theoretical help, as they already have long experience, the PS leaders will also offer the Marxist-Leninist parties financial assistance from the former Solidarity Fund, part of which has been used and continues to be controlled by the PS. A. KRAJA

From the Plenum meeting: "On the marked lack of vigilance and the serious mistakes of Kadri Hazbiu at the time when he was Minister of the Interior" Enver Hoxha: "Who knows, says Kadri, someone with a precision rifle may shoot from over there and something may happen. Oh what, I told him, how are they going to kill me with a rifle!?" PAGE 5

On Tuesday, in “RD”, you will read the exclusive interview with the President of the Albanian-American Investment Fund, Mr. Domenick G. Scaglione, given to deputy editor-in-chief Edi Paloka

Execution by mistake BY FILIP ÇAKULI p.2 The PS alternative is violence and terror p.8 “Flamurtari” is firmly seated on the throne p.8 Super crossword

The PS continues the class struggle This is how the conversation ended with the heir of the martyr Hasan Vesehta, who shed his blood in his youth for the liberation of Tirana. “Down with the National Front,” “the criminals face down,” shouted veteran Abaz Vesehta, stamping his feet on the floor in anger and with his partisan fist raised high, and he walked away with his eyes flashing. Fatmir Zanaj ZP 11.11.1995