… I TOLD YOU, THERE WILL BE VIOLENCE AND MANIPULATION, THAT’S WHY WE’LL LOSE /… THE ELECTIONS PS THE SHADOW OF ITSELF DUKAGJIN HATA The syndrome of a foretold defeat has turned the old political class—one, a man of the continuity party; the other, the personification of “social democracy” without social democrats—into people who take it upon themselves to conjure up the specter of violence from the ashes of your own deeds, in order to justify failure and minority status. Even the marionettes crying for help from the politics of the dregs, as in the case of Gjinushi, are of little service to you: first, because they represent phantom political forces; second, because they are your apologists and cannot imagine life without a master; third, because they practiced the wretched trade of violence at the head of communist institutions. The “legal violence” that this Skender Gjinushi talks about, referring to Article 3 of the law on genocide, is the phobia of someone implicated in the past, who tries to implicate others through his surrealism, since he sees no other advantages in Albanian politics that he cannot smear. The filth in his soul turns this old knight of Enverism into a political Sancho, pierced through and through by the overuse of quotes from Ramiz Alia and Fatos Nano. As for Mr. Ceka, who says, “I have never experienced any physical violence, either from Ramiz Alia’s government or from the current one, Mr. Meksi’s,” we must tell him that Ramiz Alia could not inflict violence on his disciple, whom, not without reason, everyone still calls NERITAN ALIA. The pathology of a foretold defeat, which they rightly see as inevitable, has driven our oppositionists to seek help from the ashes of their own deeds. communist institutions. And furthermore, not even because of the fault of the European chancelleries were the Nanonists able to prevent Albania’s accession to the relevant structures. “Clean yourself first before blaming others,” as the saying goes. This maxim fits Fatos Nano well. This Tosi of the PS knows very well that, as a Tiranas said: “Tosi is the ‘clever’ lad who understands things well; he acts like an angel, but ever since he was little he’s been a big rascal.” Since Fatos likes to write, he would do well first to explain his sins from the moment he became prime minister after the PPSH’s victory, after 31 March ’91. Who killed the boys of Shkodër on 2 April ’91? The country’s prime minister must know the murderers by first and last name. Let him tell it in his letters for “ZP.” Who instigated the exoduses and the barbarous destruction of the nation’s economy and culture during the dark year of 1991? The prime minister must know. Who killed the young men as they clambered over embassy fences and crossed the barbed-wire perimeter to escape the dictatorship of Fatos’s Party? When: February, March, April, May, July of the gruesome year ’91? Should former Prime Minister Nano know? In reality, no one is concerned anymore about the man named Fatos Th.Nano. Neither in Albania nor in the chancelleries of Europe. its laws, nor this or that public figure, as the scribblers such as Erioni i Zerit try to accuse every day. Furthermore, it is not the fault of the European chancelleries either that the Nanoists cannot as the people say. This axiom fits Fatos Th.Nano well. Tosi of the PS knows this very well; as one Tirana man said: “Tosi is a ‘clever’ boy, he understands things well and pretends to be a big rascal.” Since we are on the subject, and to tell of the PPSH victory, after 31 March ’91. Who killed the young men of Shkodra on 2 April ’91? The country’s prime minister ought to know the killers his letters to “ZP.” Who instigated the exoduses and the barbarities against the nation’s economy and culture during the black year of 1991? The prime minister ought to of the horrific year ’91? Should former Prime Minister Nano know?

The far-left newspapers reported the news: “Nano withdrew from the trial at the Court of Cassation.” Nano himself, in a letter addressed to his lawyer Sanxhaku, after insulting Albanian justice and its representatives, announces the sensational news of his surrender. This is one of Nano’s defeats. The man who underwent a transformation from standard-bearer of Nano’s conviction to his lawyer is no longer at the head of the justice pyramid. Brozi’s transformation could not help Nano. Nano’s withdrawal was accompanied by another loss. This is not a matter of loss of a legal or moral nature, since Nano is used to losing his character. This time it is a loss of a financial nature. The amount can be debated, but approximately (Nano knows better), it must be somewhere around 500 thousand dollars. Nothing should be spared to secure the release of Nano, this “statesman.” In this context, there have also been fundraising campaigns for Nano by PS organizations or from other sources abroad. Nano has lost hundreds of thousands of dollars, too. The money, Albanian or foreign, is no longer of any use to him. That is why Nano suffered a double failure. E.DIBRA

Once again, “ZP” and the “unemployed” “KJ” began their day with memories of someone forgotten under the weight of extremely grave sins against Albanians. In reality, no one is now concerned about the man named Fatos Th. Nano. Not in Albania, nor in Europe’s chancelleries. Not because of the policies of today’s democratic state, nor its laws. Not only is he aware of it, but he played the leading role alongside Ramiz and Gramoz. But Nano keeps quiet! Your letters, Comrade Fatos, are useful only for cleansing the liberals and anti-Marxists of the PS. You are doing this well, to the misfortune of Albania’s lifelong socialists. You yourself are also convinced that you are guilty. Your failure to participate in the third trial at the Court of Cassation is chancelleries either that the Nanoists cannot things well and pretends to be to tell of prime minister ought to know the killers year of 1991? The prime minister ought to know? well, unfortunately for honest Albanian socialists. You yourself are convinced that you are guilty. Your failure to attend the third cassation hearing is the most significant act that condemns you. “I am guilty myself,” you admit—so why am I bothering in vain...? We feel “sad” that you have lost hope, Comrade Fatos; you are regarded as the most optimistic person in the PS. Strange! You make yourself quite ridiculous when you say: “...my comrades and I will focus all our efforts on taking power, through elections, from Berisha, etc.” No, you red scoundrel! The PD and Berisha were given power by around 70% of Albanians on 22 March 1992, and they will give it to him again in 1996. You, a man of the red backstage, a forger of the darkest genocides, have had your clock stopped in 1991—precisely on the day when the people of Tirana, the miners, the students, all Albania, raised a cry against you, perched there as a worthy representative of the communist nomenklatura. Do you remember the spring of 1991? You are deluding yourself if you think that you and your genocidal comrades will take power in Albania again. Other charges also weigh upon you. New complaints from mothers and sisters, accusing you of being murderers, have been filed against the perpetrators of the genocide in Tirana and its surroundings. More sins are expected to fall upon you. Thieves and criminals have no future in politics! Dylejman Karaj

Reception at the People’s Assembly The Chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, Pjeter Arbnori, received Mr. Verner Karter Flajtej of the “Konrad - Adenauer” Foundation, who is visiting our country. During the meeting, Mr. Arbnori gave a brief overview of the achievements made during the years of democracy in the legislative, economic, and political fields. “We,” he said, “have been very tolerant and lenient toward those who committed crimes during the years of dictatorship in Albania. Therefore, the anti-genocide law will give the justice system the opportunity to put those who committed crimes against the innocent people in the dock.” For his part, Mr. Flajtej said, among other things, that democracy opens the way to freedom for as many people as possible and shows as much intolerance as possible toward those who violate freedom. He shared Mr. Arbnori’s view that the anti-genocide law is far too lenient in Albania.

The consumer price index rose by only 0.7% in October This monthly inflation trend promises an annual rate of 7–10% The stabilization of inflation has rightly been described as one of the basic macroeconomic achievements of the Meksi Government. However, the importance of this achievement often fails to register with the right emotional force among ordinary citizens. Frequent references to inflation, as well as the complexity of the process concealed behind the term, make it possible to “inflate” the value of such achievements. Therefore, for ordinary citizens to understand control over inflation as an achievement directly connected to their interests, it is useful to clarify practically a few matters, such as what the picture was like... a process that began in Albania after 1990. The phenomenon had also been present during the years of the previous system, but it was masked. This is explained by the fact that it (inflation) did not appear in its classical form, through rising prices. For propaganda purposes, the regime kept prices fixed, but inflation appeared in the long queues, which testified to a limited supply of goods, and in the ration-card and coupon system, which showed the same thing. Returning to the background provided by this retrospective, the merits of inflation having “lowered its head” become clearer and easier to understand. to clarify practically a few matters: what was life like when inflation was at very high levels, and what is it like today, when inflation rose by only 0.7% in October? Inflation can rightly be identified, in another sense, with the consumer-goods price index. During the period 1990–1992, this index rose at a galloping pace from month to month, by several hundred percent. Prices as they are today had not yet been seen. The phenomenon people observed every day—that with the same amount of money they could buy fewer and fewer goods—had become a serious concern for them. The trade unions, understanding the gravity of the problem, fought for wage indexation. Deposits lost value every day, every month, every year at such a rate that they forced citizens to ask themselves the dilemma: where should I keep my money? But the phenomenon of inflation was not [text unclear] behind the term, making it possible to “inflate” the value of such achievements. Judging against this background and looking back makes the merits of inflation having lowered its head stand out more clearly and simply. For the consumer, the fact that the price index rose by only 0.7% in October, just as in the preceding months, has a clear meaning: with their income they continue to buy the same quantity of goods and receive the same quantity of services. For depositors, it means their deposits are saved from erosion. For the Government, meanwhile, a monthly inflation increase of 0.7% means achieving its annual target in this area as well. If consumer prices continue to rise at the same rate in the last two months of the year as they did in October, then the target of an annual rate of 7–10% will have been achieved, declares the Governor-General of the Bank of Albania, Kristaq Luniku.

The syndrome of anticipated defeat has transformed “revolutionary” violence into the guiding principle of the Socialist opposition, with monsters of political absurdity at its head. These irresponsible, unique specimens of their kind, in order to justify their inevitable defeat in the coming elections, want to create in public opinion a psychology of violence, with which, according to them, Albanians will be confronted at the polls. It is not the first time that the politics of shame, through its protagonists of shame and crime, has put forward such slogans in the press of the dependent and “independent” masquerade—slogans that might perhaps serve only as relics in a museum of the world’s paradoxes. The ruling Marxist quartet at the head of the PS—Nano, Ruçi, Pellumbi and Dokle—with several dozen shadowy cronies, have not hesitated to call upon the instruments of Enverian arbitrariness, from political corpses to principles of violence, in the name of political guarantees for the future. They have spoken of new scenarios, of a second April if the Socialists come to power, and of Kafkaesque stories; they have waved the red cassock from legitimate and illegitimate platforms, unleashing thunderbolts of curses which, in truth, even their own wives have not taken seriously. Confronted everywhere with failures and defeats in their seventh campaign, our Socialists are responsible for the general situation in the practice of their dictatorial game, seeking to create a precedent for the crisis of alternatives that will follow the significant defeat awaiting them at the polls. This time, the figures appearing are also the minister of the political police, Gramoz Ruçi, and the former seal-killing policeman Skender Gjinushi, who, in the newspaper “Intervista,” Harasçi and the prosecutor of the latest genocide in Albania, after their political exposure, together with their moderate colleagues, are bringing shame and the final reckoning upon their deeds, and should leave Albanian politics once and for all. The old political class’s movement—one of “social democracy” without social democrats—takes it upon itself to revive the spectre of violence, which existed nowhere except in their own heads. In their interviews they want to cast into public opinion the prophecy of blood that guided the Bolshevik revolution in Albania for half a century, does not exist anywhere of genocide and political extremism. ...

That is how the brother of the martyr Hasan Veseshta, who shed his blood in his youth for the liberation of Tirana, concluded the conversation. of the other the personification Bolshevik revolution in Albania for half a century; it does not exist anywhere except in their own heads. The man who continues to bare his teeth at the head of politics without any moral right, because of his violations of freedom, this Gramoz Ruçi, says that violence must be answered with violence in every case. I want to ask two questions about political responsibility: first, where is the violence that we do not see every day? You, its personification in the very recent past, continue to threaten Albanian society with its terrible spectre? Second, where would you be resting today, Gramoz Ruçi, if this tolerant people, which has nothing in common with revenge and vigilantism, had answered your crimes, massacres, violence and terror with violence? Fear of the anticipated defeat awaiting you has made you delusional and aggressive. Wanting artificially to heighten tensions with phantasmagorical precedents, you seek to awaken the dead sleep of tragic Yugoslav nights, to incriminate Albanian society and the new political class, by which you find yourselves overthrown. Albanians do not forget your lies and those of Ramiz Alia; they do not forget Mali me Gropa, nor the dams of the widespread wage arrears. Who are you? You have died along with the demons and the dignity that you bring back to life...

No Comment That is how the brother of the martyr Hasan Veseshta, who shed his blood in his youth for the liberation of Tirana, concluded the conversation. “Down with Balli Kombëtar,” “criminals, heads down,” shouted veteran Abaz Veseshta, stamping his feet on the floor in anger, with his partisan fist raised, and left with his eyes flashing. Fatmir Zanaj ZP 11.11.1995

According to reliable sources, PS delegations have set out to meet the leaders of the newly formed Communist International, and the same source informs us that PSSH representatives have been tasked with helping the new Marxist-Leninist parties taking part in this International. It is reported that the invitation to PS leaders came via Belgrade; they will also meet Milosheviç’s wife. It is not known whether, in addition to theoretical assistance, the PS leaders, as a party with long experience, will offer the Marxist-Leninist parties financial assistance from the former Solidarity Fund, part of which has been used and continues to be controlled by PS. A. KRAJA

Not because of the policies of today’s democratic state, nor its laws, nor this or that public figure, as the scribblers such as Erioni i Zerit try to accuse every day.

Therefore, for ordinary citizens to understand control over inflation as an achievement directly connected to their interests, it is useful to clarify practically a few matters: what was life like when inflation was at very high levels, and what is it like today, when inflation rose by only 0.7% in October?

From the Plenum meeting: “On the marked lack of vigilance and the grave errors of Kadri Hazbiu at the time when he was Minister of the Interior” Enver Hoxha: “Who knows, Kadriu says, someone with a rifle, a precision rifle, might shoot from somewhere around here and something could happen. No, man, I told him, how could they kill me with a rifle?!” PAGE 5

On Tuesday in “RD” you will read the exclusive interview with the President of the Albanian-American Enterprise Fund, Mr. Domenick G. Scaglione, and deputy editor-in-chief Edi Paloka.

Execution by firing squad with no way out BY FILIP ÇAKULI p. 2 The PS alternative is violence and terror p. 8 “Flamurtari takes the throne” p. 8 Super crossword