EDITORIAL Isolation reaches the socialist base The spread of the Socialist Party’s isolation down to the grassroots is, for now, the most threatening phenomenon in the Albanian political arena, and not only in this field, but also when viewed from the social, economic and integration perspective. The inflation of the vote share held by the Socialist Party, and the psychology of the leaders of this party, is a disruption of the balance that Albania has achieved over the last four years in its international relations. The elimination of the European integration tendencies of Albanian society as a value, and the replacement of the psychology of existential self-interest with all-Albanian integration, even if it does not depend decisively on the tendencies of this leadership, is a step backward if it becomes applicable even to part of this party’s electorate. It is better described than by the description of this phenomenon above, even though it has still not become concrete reality for the majority of the Socialist electorate. A retrospective look at the positions of the Socialist Party on Albania’s political and economic integration would make things clearer if it examined a problem that could be verified. The Socialist Party was the only one of the Albanian political forces to oppose the President of the Republic’s offer, made some time ago to the Atlantic Alliance, to use the airport facilities provided by Albania for the implementation of peace in Bosnia. Such opposition, synchronized with the permanent opposition this party has shown to reforms in the economic field, very likely led them to vote against Bulgaria’s entry into the “Partnership for Peace” program with their own votes. This can be seen even more easily for us through the lack of justification of the Albanian government in its relations with Italy and through a shamelessly created climate against the stable policy of the West and the efforts of its sister parties. Equally important for Albanian public opinion and the public is the high-profile figure of German politics at ministerial level and the representatives of Chancellor Kohl’s party, as was yesterday’s case with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and other representatives of this foundation. Viewing Albania’s relations with Germany as suspicious and undesirable, even from the office of a former communist party, is an open symptom of isolation from the West and a treacherous platform for this isolation, something that no country much larger than Albania, and with a rich diplomatic history, would desire. If these two acts of disregard were justified by the ideological principles by which this party is guided, perhaps the attacks on one of the leaders of the European and Italian left, Pietro Fassino, would be milder. Described by them as a political trader and disparaged beyond the bounds of this Albanian conservative party, they are not compatible with a socialist laboratory and the conclusions about Finin. They have not achieved their external and cultural aims, and the mistakes regarding the principles of Albanian diplomacy for a unity that is more justified not only by the vitality but also by the level of trade relations that sustain these relations with one another. How can one achieve, alongside it and in power, the agreement for Albanian emigration to pass through, or the free movement of Albanian citizens, with an anti-Cyprus-Italian policy created? This is the message being sent to Italy, when it is one of the seven leading countries of the European Union and Albania seeks to conclude an association agreement with this very important international body. Political isolation is very clear. But the Socialist opposition in Albania, rich in the school of stability of economic reforms in Albania, has also extended itself to economic and financial aid, chiefly from the Albanian-American Enterprise Fund, Norwegian aid, Italian aid and investments, British investments, etc. The tendencies of socialist isolation may be left aside, but initially they are aimed at their own electorate and do not affect the political, economic and institutional reforms or development in Albania as a whole. The moment of confusion in this part of the Albanian electorate is the greatest reflection of the party they belong to.

At the invitation of the Democratic Party of Albania, from 9 to 11 January '96 a delegation of the Greek Nea Demokratia Party will visit our country, headed by Ms. Marieta Gianakou Kotsio, International Secretary of this party, member of the Greek Parliament, and former minister. The delegation will include senior leaders of the Greek Nea Demokratia Party and Greek parliamentarians. The delegation will hold meetings with PDSH leaders and the highest levels of the Albanian state. This visit is a continuation of the contacts, ties and political cooperation between PDSH and the Greek Nea Demokratia Party.

The development of political struggle, or more precisely, the absurd opposition attack on the government camp using abnormal means and methods, throwing unrealistic arguments into the political marketplace with the aim of causing diversion, does not constitute any novelty in the political course pursued by the PS leadership. Of late, an interesting fact has already come to light, since the “Diversion” campaign, in the sense of manipulated, defamatory and completely false political information, has not been met with any real concern or with any effect on the public opinion of this self-styled reformist party. A few examples are enough. The throwing into the political marketplace, through the press, of absurd and unrealistic fabrications exposes it, revealing the atavistic gene of this phenomenon, which is typical and present throughout the activity of the PP(S). Meksi against Berisha, wrote yesterday’s “ZP” at the top of the front page, illustrated with photo montages, with fabrications among the most absurd, without any convincing argument or concrete fact. The anonymous article writer, with zeal and perversity, (according to orders from above), deemed it appropriate to spread this broad feeling with a word about President Berisha and Prime Minister Meksi carried on various occasions, raised within the structures of PP-s[?], with the aim of “discovering” this enmity, within the words and phrases of their respective speeches on these occasions. And according to its political head and moral structure, it has carried out the “discovery” of this “enmity,” kept only within the core of the speeches. To be enough Berisha with Meksi have not said (To be continued on page 3)

Gjinushi knows a lot about himself. The former dictatorial minister, a powerful member of parliament, Ramiz Alia’s favorite, and an active participant in the intrigues of the 1990-91 years, he may bring to light the “virginity commission,” as he likes to put it. For this he has been seriously engaged in recent times. In his latest press conference, Gjinushi stated that communist parties need ten to twenty years to convert into socialist parties. It is precisely the long calculation that led him to convert himself into a social democrat from a former communist minister that has forced him to choose the other alternative, that of confession before the “virginity commission.” N.GJ.

Fatos Nano has started to get the impression that even by the end of this month he will be able to see the light of day, trumpeting his name. Thus the prisoner of Bënça, whom the state, respecting the rules of the country, allows to experience freedom at his home for two days in case that at weekends he is still quite juvenile in relation to whose rights he has been wooed over the years by the hypocrites, servants and clones of his party. Nano tells the BBC before the trip to Bënç that at the moment the prison authorities informed him that he is being buried with a great force in Holland. Such a coincidence is hard to believe, even in films. Nano does no harm at all by fantasizing, since this is in the style of the entire old political class, which he has led since prison, but when this fantasy is raised to surrealism, the sign is that politics has given up the ghost. Similarly, for such a demystification, neither the political-minded crowd nor the 11-year-old children of Holland can be softened by any stubborn claim that Nano is an ordinary prisoner, whom the democratic fate that has condemned him repeatedly continues to strip of the right to vote, while he seems to have been at its head. DUKAJSHIN HATA

Anti-reform platform of the PS The fundamental laws will be repealed The law on fundamental human rights and freedoms is also threatened by the PS Shaqir Vukaj, presenting his party’s alternative to the electorate, assured them that after the elections he would eventually change the law on crimes against humanity. What would be changed from the legislation today would be about 30 laws, starting with the law on punishment for genocide. The outlook would then continue with the law on fundamental human rights and freedoms, the law on mass privatization, the law on the buying and selling of land, and so on, laws that are less than fundamental laws. Against the more than 400 laws approved by the current parliament, the number 30 of those that would be changed is truly symbolic. Playing with the logic of the number of laws that will be repealed is an infantile concept. It is less important how much the current Albanian parliament will repeal, on what grounds a people have been asked to sleep and the intellectual potential to support it, but first and foremost it strikes the foundations of Albania in the next century. In truth this is an attempt by the PS to shape the Albanian electorate. The institutionalization of chaos and the creation of chaotic politics, the evident economic decline, the deformation of the orientation of its regulation into drift, would accompany the future fate of Albania. Nothing has to do with work, business or the citizen’s freedoms and rights. There are other goals, which if they were to come after the elections, they would present to a civilized electorate, prepared not to be self-governed. They gave this induction its real dimension in the creation of what is called the political vote, which competes through alternatives and, as it creates the necessary space for a competition that will serve

From 1 January Albanians in Turkey without visas Starting from 1 January 1996, Albanian citizens who go to Turkey will not need to obtain a Turkish visa, the Albanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced. Taking into account the intensive and friendly relations between the republics and Turkey, and with the aim of facilitating the movement of Albanian citizens even further, the Turkish government has decided that starting from 1 January 1996, it will abolish the requirement to obtain entry and transit visas for Turkey from Turkish embassies, said Xhyher Cani, spokeswoman for the Albanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, relaying the information provided by the Turkish government. After this date, Albanian citizens will enter Turkey by completing only a simple formality at the border.

Serious accident on the Burrel-Peshkopi road On Thursday evening, as a result of a car accident on the Burrel-Peshkopi road, the President of the company “Nikla”, Mr. Abaz Uliri, lost his life. The car overturned, causing the immediate death of the well-known businessman from Krujë, while the driver was seriously injured but is now out of danger. The causes of this accident, which took the life of a man from Nikël at the age of forty, are still unknown. His death has been received with deep sorrow not only in Nikël and in the Krujë district, but everywhere. Condolences: The editorial staff of the newspaper “Rilindja Demokratike” learned with deep pain of the tragic loss of the President of the company “Nikla”, Mr. Abaz Uliri. We share in this sorrow and express our condolences to his family and relatives. The editorial staff of “Rilindja Demokratike”

Minutes of the meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the PPSH, dated 23 and 3 July 1974 F.7

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