Alia - Dokle - Benc Where did 400 thousand dollars disappear? The propaganda of “ZP” is the propaganda of the Antireform The post of Minister of Defense dimmed Neritan Alia’s dream of becoming President of the Republic

Criminal prosecution sought Gjinushi seeks his lost privileges “The Betrayal of Mukje”—you are the author, comrade and comrades Polovina

Expanded meeting of the Vlore DP branch DP—a democratic party open to all Greater commitment from DP members and activists Former perpetrators of the crimes of ’91 today try to appear as “professors” of democracy Yesterday afternoon, in the city of Vlore, with a large attendance, the expanded meeting of the DP branch of this city was held. The meeting was also attended by the Secretary General of the DPA, Mr. Tritan SHehu. Also participating were the head of the DPA’s organization department, Mirush Mati, DP deputies from Vlore, and leaders and representatives of the DP branch and the local authorities in Vlore. The meeting was opened by the chairman of the DP in Vlore, Ibrahim Vasqari, who presented the important purpose of this meeting, especially under current circumstances and particularly following the conclusion of the Extraordinary Conference of the DPA. He gave an overview of the analysis recently carried out by the DP branch in this district, emphasizing the efforts made, projections for the future, problems in relations with the central organization, and the strengthening of party ties. He also pointed out the left’s campaign against the DP, particularly its press, which, “spewing venom, is taking anti-Albanian, anti-national positions.” The DP has intellectual, intelligent and honest members. The DP, Mr. Shehu said, needs a stronger role for activists and propaganda in order to preserve and increase its electorate. He stressed that the DP is a center-right party and must maintain this position, while remaining open to cooperation with any anti-communist force belonging to the center and the right. But Mr. Shehu noted that the DP’s view was to have alliances only, and not a coalition before the 1996 elections. Mr. Shehu said that Albania is now a democratic country, with the rule of law and democratic institutions, and a free-market, liberal economy, as required by the DP’s electoral program. He therefore stressed that the DP had achieved a great deal, starting from a zero inheritance, in establishing such institutions. “We have managed to lay the democratic foundations in Albania,” Mr. Shehu said. Mr. Shehu also spoke about the DP’s efforts to give Albania a constitution, the opposition’s obstructive role in these efforts, and the responsibility At these district meetings, the DP emphasized the decisions taken, future prospects, problems in relations with the center, and the strengthening of the party ranks. He also pointed to the commitment of the left taking anti-Albanian, anti-national positions.” Then the floor was taken by the Secretary General of the PDSH, Mr. Shehu. He gave an overview of the latest developments in the DP and the proceedings of the Extraordinary Conference. He described the latter as a conference of particular importance, where responsibility and wisdom were demonstrated, where the free and democratic vote was respected, thereby ensuring respect for internal democracy in the DP. He stressed that “this is how the party consolidates itself, because it is founded on the free vote of its grassroots.” Mr. Shehu pointed out that the DP is an open democratic party, an electoral party, because it bases its power on the free vote of the people, on the majority of the electorate that has voted and will vote for it. The DP will always remain so. To achieve these goals, and to retain and increase its electorate, activists and members are expected to show militancy and dedication. The Secretary General of the PDSH stressed that the attacks by the communist headquarters have become more aggressive and more destructive. He highlighted the efforts to revive the communist specter, which seeks to bring back to power those responsible for the bloodshed and crimes of the 50-year period, and especially the terrible crimes of psychological terror and the destruction of 1991—those who today are known as professors of democracy. He said that the recurrence of this specter is a real possibility, and that it has begun to hope for the recovery of the ground it lost in the democratic elections of March 22. The propaganda of these neo-communist forces, which have supported it with Marxism, is destructive. It seeks to divert the DP from implementing and completing the reform already begun. Being aware that they cannot retain power, the neo-communists are trying to use one of their factions, untainted by the past, as an electoral façade; they are seeking to bring in the pseudo-democrats by calling on them to form a coalition with them. Therefore, Shehu continued, it was urged that even greater efforts be made to unite the democratic and anti-communist forces. IDRIL AZIZI

A government of darkness A government of strife The idea of a shadow cabinet is as old as the desire and thirst for power itself. But in reality, the history of shadow governments shows that they are formed very rarely and, as a rule, have a despairing and disappointing end, because shadow cabinets generally dry up and grow moldy without ever emerging into the blinding light, and end up in the darkness of history. Within itself, the idea of a shadow government encompasses a mosaic of people and desires: the desire to be what one is not, an insatiable thirst for power, the dream of influencing someone’s career and making important, but secret, decisions. In reality, the formation of the shadow cabinet, which had been envisaged as a cabinet of unity, brought about great divisions, contrary to all expectations. Serious consultations—and, it is said, even gritted teeth—took place between Pellumbi and Ruçi at their power-sharing dinner. The crises and disagreements between them were resolved only after Pellumbi decided to give up the post of commander-in-chief and entrust it to Ruçi, as well as appoint Nano to the post of prime minister. These two power demons were plotting an imaginary correction of the President. Thus, immediately after the announcement of the cabinet and Pellumbi as Shadow President, Dokle, the former head of the list and the double of R. Alia, who had not imagined that his party would nominate someone else for the crumbling chair, began a merciless war by every possible means. He was right, because psychologically, for the sake of that chair and in order for his name to appear as the presidential candidate, he had agreed to be placed on the list with Ramiz Alia, although he was convinced defeat awaited him, and perhaps, according to analysts, eternal defeat. Namiku could never accept this final conclusion. From that day—the day of the imaginary presidency in the spring of 1991—he remained gravely ill with the delusion of being Shadow President; indeed, as he writes and tears up speeches, spends a great deal of time in front of the mirror, makes statements and denunciations, undertakes journeys, weaves plots and concocts sure-fire offers, convinced that fate will seriously smile on him one day too. He regards his removal from this presidential candidacy not only as the greatest betrayal by the socialist leadership, but also as a political death sentence. He, R. Alia’s double, had long been waiting for this moment—not as a shadow, but for real. He had conducted secret negotiations and made secret, painful promises to Pellumbi and Dokle, even going so far as to publish in ZP the names of possible prime ministers and ministers, while he himself once aspired much, much higher. As stated above, the first great victim of the formation of the shadow government—the great loser—was Fatos Nano himself. This is because, in the Pellumbi-Ruçi version, putting him in the post of prime minister had only one purpose: to leave this chair vacant for commander-in-chief Ruçi and, on the other hand, to ‘shut the mouths’ of other careerists within the PS by holding up his unwavering loyalty to Nano and his millennia-old deeds. Thus Pellumbi publicly consigned Nano to oblivion on the one hand. On the other, he deceived Nano’s supporters by reserving the post of prime minister for him, at a time when it is known that he still has 8 years of prison to serve. Dokle, meanwhile, refused to be hypocritical toward Nano. He left no place for him in his cabinet. On the basis of secret negotiations, he promised the post of prime minister to someone else, who might prove worthy by publicly defending Nano; he therefore invented the previously announced secret plan to create a prime minister for all Albanians and increase his credibility. Thus, in the struggle for power within the PS and its ranks, they put forward would-be prime ministers, because in reality the prime minister’s chair was not the main source of the dispute. No, and no. The great strife and division between Pellumbi and Dokle, their parallel arrangements involving comrade Fatos and his lawyer, the sacrifice of the latter and the former, consigning them to the swamp of oblivion, were only aspects of that savage episode: the creation of a cabinet parallel to Mr. Pellumbi’s.

From the press conference of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Alfred Serreqi Serreqi: “Any objective, impartial observer can easily identify the achievements made by the government’s foreign policy” From the press conference of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Alfred Serreqi Albania’s European orientation in foreign policy is irreversible Serreqi: “Any objective, impartial observer can easily identify the achievements made by the government’s foreign policy” BY EDI KASMI In yesterday’s meeting with the press, the head of Albanian diplomacy, Alfred Serreqi, presented to the journalists attending the press conference the results of foreign policy during the three-year period of the first democratic Albanian government, presenting these results also as an obligation of his to engage with the broader public opinion. Overcoming the consequences of half a century of deep communist isolation in Albania, as well as efforts to carry out Albania’s very difficult transition, with its own particular features—the move from the harshest dictatorship to democracy and the rule of law—and diplomacy’s major contribution to our great national cause have, for Minister Serreqi, been the main objectives in foreign policy. by the government’s foreign policy.” He went on to say that the European orientation had been the absolute priority of foreign policy. “In this Photo: A. Babani

On the other hand, despite their keen instincts and vigilance, Messrs. Pellumbi and Ruçi had not imagined that, alongside them and in complete secrecy, someone else in the senior leadership of the PS, specifically Mr. Dokle, was working by the same criteria, but with other people, to create a cabinet parallel to Mr. Pellumbi’s. Indeed, unbeknownst to them, the leaders of such a cabinet, who saw themselves as the party’s future, were create a cabinet parallel to Mr. Pellumbi’s. The latter even went a cabinet parallel to Mr. Pellumbi’s.

In recent days, at the invitation of the General Directorate of Customs of Albania, a delegation from the General Directorate, led by Italian Deputy Director General of Customs Renato Spettino, paid a working visit to our country. In recent days, at the invitation of the General Directorate of Customs of Albania, a delegation from the General Directorate of Italian Customs, led by Deputy Director General Renato Spettino, paid a working visit to our country. As part of this visit, the delegation met with the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance, Mr. Dylber Vrapi; the Director General of Customs, Mr. Arben Petrela; the Director General of the Financial Police, Mr. Gjergj Lezhja; as well as other officials of the Albanian customs administration. The Italian delegation also visited the customs offices in Durres and Tirana. During the visit, numerous issues were discussed, and the necessity of cooperation was emphasized. (Continued on page 3)

The World Bank representative replies to Dokle By Kutlai Ebiri World Bank Resident Representative A few days ago, the newspaper Dita Informacion published an interview with Mr. Namik Dokle. According to the newspaper, Mr. Dokle had referred to a statement by a “World Bank expert” who was supposedly said that “Albania should [unclear] everything for privatization.” The first purpose of this article is to inform the Albanian public that no person connected with the World Bank has made such a statement. The second purpose is to provide some preliminary indicators regarding Albania’s privatization program, in the preparation of which the World Bank is also participating. Since 1992, the World Bank has worked closely with the Albanian Government in its responsibility for privatizing public assets. The Bank shares the Albanian Government’s view that privatization is the only way to stimulate economic growth in Albania. It also agrees that the essential element of privatization is “speed.” The communist regime left behind economic assets of very little value in an open, modern market economy. It also left behind a very deficient infrastructure and a very weak administrative apparatus for managing the economy. Therefore, every day that passes with [unclear] and public management is a day lost for the country. (Continued on page 7)