DUKAGJIN HATA A thousand and one articles have filled the left-wing press, and especially its old matriarch, “ZP,” ever since Albanian justice had its say on Fatos Nano, the leader of the PS, and convicted him of corruption involving Italian aid at the time when he was prime minister. That the neocommunist leadership comes to the defense of thieves and the corrupt is neither new nor unexpected; on the contrary, it is in keeping with the style of the old political class, whose successor it remains—a class that built its privileges on injustice and abuse, on breaking the law and violating the freedom of others. Turning speculators into political myths, a phenomenon characteristic of the leadership of the far-left wing, is a sophisticated strategy: creating surreal precedents to create an atmosphere of artificial tension, which serves public disinformation well. In fact, the heads of the PS, with their pitiful attempts to defend their “spiritual” leader, are not so much concerned with “the suffering of young Nano,” whose guilt has been proven by documents before the courts, as with protecting the top of the leadership pyramid to which they belong—a pyramid corrupt from top to bottom, connected by hundreds of threads to the world of black money, rampant corruption, economic mafia, and even organized crime. Although this clique has lost its institution, the former State Security Service, it has not lost its leading figure, who has “conquered” the West with the loot stolen from a people. If the PS and its newspaper are not defending one of these leading figures, Dokle, implicated in sensational financial and political scandals, this is out of revenge against this “big boss,” who accused his own Party of organized corruption, with Nano inside it. In this way, hero-thieves, like in films about “sheriffs,” are “settling accounts” among themselves, according to the law of the struggle within a species: “the big fish eats the small one.” The “ZP”’s fabrications about European resolutions on the Nano case, and its attempt to present them in a “credible” style typical of Communist scribblers, are perfectly transparent and cannot conceal the truth. In the second resolution, the letter E in point 3 and point 7 have been removed, and there is no longer any demand for “the prospect of Nano’s release.” Neither Spanish Madrid nor Albanian Benca regards Fatos Nano as a hero. “Guardian angels” of Fatos Nano, if you have any, should have protected him from evil before he, as prime minister of the poorest country in Europe, made Albanians even poorer by stealing, in broad daylight, the aid that came from overseas. The PS leadership, which uses the “Nano myth” as a test of “political violence” in the country, pretends to forget that, just as a dictatorship did not become democratic by being called so for 47 years, democracy cannot become a dictatorship because the laws of a democratic state are applied to thieves and the corrupt. Things must be called by their true names; and if, instead, gentlemen, you like to call them hero-thieves, that does you no great honor, but merely shows you as you are: politically feverish for power, morally and politically spent, inept leaders, irresponsible and small political lackeys, connected with the underworld of the political and economic mafia—in short, a leadership of corrupt mafiosi and opportunists, short, a leadership of corrupt mafiosi and nihilists seeking to return Albania to its point of stagnation.

YLLI VEJSIU Recently, Albanian socialists have been widely using the term “the left” in their propaganda, implying that their party, too, with the program it has presented, is part of the European democratic left, which includes social-democratic parties and reformed socialist parties. Historical developments and the evolution of capitalist society have placed these parties in different positions on the political spectrum, assigning them the role of constructive opposition to center-right parties. Thus, the left in democratic Europe has become an acceptable force which, among other things, also has a positive influence on the right-wing parties themselves when they are in power, because it pushes them to reflect on themselves, guard against degradation, and pursue a social policy that not only keeps the middle and poorer strata of the electorate on their side, but, on the contrary, wins them over as well. It closes off the path to the healthier forces within its leadership that show signs of wanting to break away and move forward with a political start. For ordinary people, who, because of Albania’s many years of isolation, have no clear understanding of the genuine European left-wing parties, this self-deception by the PS will surely become a source of future disappointment, once, in time, what is concealed within this Party is revealed. The very birth of the PS is unprecedented in the history of the founding of political parties in general. For while in all the countries of Eastern Europe the former Communist parties disbanded after the fall of the Berlin Wall, clearing the way for entirely new parties to emerge, at the 10th Congress the very same people who had cheered for the PPSH suddenly announced, at the close of the event, the birth of the Albanian Socialist Party, without distancing themselves from the past and without denouncing any of the dictator Enver Hoxha’s repressive activities. By acting in this way, the PS preserved the old mentality intact among a large part of its ordinary membership and the overwhelming majority of its leadership. As such, these highly resistant and fanatical attitudes, deep in their consciousness, regard not only the center-right but also European democratic socialism itself as an irreconcilable enemy, calling it a political force that has betrayed socialism for several decades. To be realistic, it is true that we must acknowledge that a change in mentality is not a matter of choice, but a difficult and involuntary process. Within the Democratic Party itself, here and there, at different levels, old ways of thinking appear, and in some cases old ways of acting too. What, then, can be said of a party that, right up to its founding congress, called out, “Party-Enver, we are ready everywhere [?]”? Elementary logic cannot accept... The Democratic Parliament and the other anti-communist parties would have considered themselves fortunate if, at least after the March 22 elections, they had had as their political rival a party such as a European social-democratic party, with which they could engage in an honest and constructive political contest. But, skillfully, the PPSH was very different from the communist parties of Eastern Europe, which had long since begun processes of opening up and liberalizing political life. Its leaders lacked the courage and did not take on the historic responsibility of disbanding the PPSH and creating a democratic, modern party, particularly in the Balkan region. During this visit, a series of agreements are expected to be signed, including an agreement on cooperation in trade, economics and science; an agreement on the promotion and reciprocal protection of capital investments; an agreement on avoiding double taxation; and agreements in the fields of culture and consular conventions. The initialing of a treaty of friendship and cooperation is also expected. (Continued on page 2)

- In trying to save himself, Dokle accuses “ZP” of making 400 thousand dollars disappear. But the “ZP” editorial office merely carried out the orders of its bosses, Nano, Dokle, Pellumbi, who were playing with the lives of Albanians. “ZP” carried out the orders; the ones who gave them and benefited were others. - It is for the courts to have their say and not accept victims as scapegoats, or consequences as causes. Justice must return the money to the Albanians. - The missing 400 thousand dollars are only the tip of the iceberg of corruption in the socialist leadership. EDI PALOKA Namik Dokle is not playing the hero’s role properly, now that documents have proved that the disappearance of nearly 400 thousand dollars reeked of corruption and embezzlement. Initially, before the televised debate, Dokle tried to deny the accusations concerning the disappearance of the money. Comrade Namik did the same at the beginning of the televised debate. He tried to dismiss the accusations that 400 thousand dollars taken from the Solidarity Fund (which was held by the state budget) had been given to the president of “ZP,” supposedly a phantom of the M-L and terrorist groups. Dokle had initially denied these facts but was later forced to admit them. The climax of the matter came when Dokle was forced to acknowledge (always in the face of documents) that “ZP” had withdrawn and used not only the 150 thousand dollars transferred in Canada but also the other 250 thousand dollars. “They are in the account of ‘ZP’ and the enterprise dealing with the publication of ‘ZP’... The 250 thousand dollars held by ‘ZP’ are available, in cash and in goods, and we will make an expenditure... because ‘ZP’ has drawn [unclear] from the fund, since it has...” Namik Dokle worked at “ZP” himself for only 7 months... Thus, after badly discrediting the PS leadership as a continuation of the PPSH not only ideologically but also in financial corruption, Dokle sold out “ZP” too in order to save his own skin. His subsequent statements to the press are quite revealing. In the newspaper “KL” dated 8 April, Dokle says: “I am not afraid of justice... If the Government says it has found other violations, let it seize ‘ZP’.” Dokle could not be clearer: after realizing that he could not escape responsibility for the 400 thousand missing dollars, he decided to put this These words prove that Dokle surrendered completely and that every claim made up to that point—that the 250 thousand dollars could not be used without permission from the government—proved to be a bluff (“ZP” has drawn on this fund...). From that moment, seeing himself in a tight spot, Namik Dokle abandoned his role as a hero and said: “We’ll save the PS and ‘ZP’. Save our own skin.” And here are some of his statements during the televised debate: “...On December 10, when the decision about the printing house was made, Namik Dokle was not at ‘ZP’. Apart from Dokle, there are predecessors and successors in this matter. First of all, whose violence?” responsible for publishing ‘ZP’... the 250 thousand dollars at ‘ZP’’s disposal, held in cash and as goods, and here we will provide an explanation because ‘ZP’ has drawn on this fund, since it bought a warehouse in Laprake...” (N. Dokle’s words during the televised debate). all, whose violence?”

As announced by the Press and Information Office attached to the Prime Minister, at the invitation of the Russian Prime Minister, Mr. Viktor Chernomirdin, Prime Minister Aleksander Meksi will make an official working visit to Moscow from 11 to 13 April. Prime Minister Meksi will hold talks with Prime Minister Chernomirdin on matters of economic cooperation and will exchange views on international issues and, in particular, the situation in the Balkan region. During this visit, a number of agreements are expected to be signed, including agreements on cooperation in trade, the economy and science; on the promotion and mutual protection of capital investments; on the avoidance of double taxation; and in the fields of culture and consular conventions. The friendship and cooperation treaty is also expected to be initialed.

On April 10, the Minister of National Defense of Turkey, Mehmet Golhan, will arrive in our country on an official visit, at the head of a high-level military delegation. During his three-day visit to Albania, in addition to other activities, the Turkish Minister of Defense will be received at separate meetings by the President of the Republic of Albania, Sali Berisha, and by the Speaker of Parliament, Pjeter Arbnori. At the Ministry of Defense, he will hold meetings and talks with the Minister of Defense, Safet Zhulali. At the center of these discussions will be the progress of bilateral relations and cooperation in the military field.

“ZP”’s attempt to divert attention from 400 thousand dollars ZP’s old hound from the hunt for “enemies of the people” continues to pursue the old prey, whether out of habit or nostalgia, to recall the glorious times of the class struggle. In Friday’s issue, this newspaper once again, as is its custom, charged with revolutionary fervor at the Vion(i) family name, but this time its usual slanders were meant to kill three birds with one stone. First, to divert attention from the PS and Dokle’s corruption involving 400 thousand dollars. Second—to vilify, with the aim of discrediting, leading figures of the democratic government, such as Mr. Dylber Vrioni, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Finance. Third—to indulge old nostalgia and continue the class struggle against the “beys and landlords.” As always, ZP was inaccurate yesterday too, not for lack of information, but because slander has been this newspaper’s motto since its birth, day in and day out. ZP writes: “Mr. Dylber this time, with its usual slanders, was trying (Continued on page 2)

Tirana: After the successful concert given in the theater hall of “A.Z. Cajupi” in the city of Korçes on April 6, last night the renowned Greek singer, Marinela, gave her second concert in Tirana. Accompanied by her group, Marinela sang selected pieces from the best of her repertoire over the years. With 30 years of artistic activity behind her, this singer with a powerful voice appeared before the art-loving public of the capital for the second time, this time 18 years after her first performance in Tirana. Marinela’s concert and that of her group won the admiration of the capital’s audience, who accompanied the beautiful Greek singer’s performance throughout with applause. Marinela will continue her concerts in our country in other cities, concluding the tour on April 13 in the city of Gjirokastres.

PPSH, Solidarity Fund - Namik Dokle - Red Brigades PAGE 2 Elbasan PD strengthens its structures to increase its electorate On the independent press

PAGE 5 ON PAGES 6–7 Sports, Games, Curiosities, Humor

The former red nomenklatura before justice As reported by foreign news agencies, 11 former ministers are to be brought to justice and tried for the crimes committed during the 1970 unrest in Poland, in which 40 citizens were killed. Among them is former Minister of Defense and later President of Poland Jaruzelski.