Regarding the “Alia-Nano-Dokle-Ruçi-Benc” scandal Dokle denounces his own party, Pellumbi, Xhixha, etc. The arrest measure against Xhixha is changed. Perparim Xhixha in prison—the first victim of Dokle’s denunciations Dokle throws deputy Shkelqim Cani out of his office Thoma Gellçi states that state-budget money was used to buy tractors and oil, and was converted into per diems, bonuses, etc. Yesterday, one of the PPSH leaders, Namik Dokle, was summoned to testify at the prosecutor’s office. He is accused of misusing state budget funds while he was in charge of the newspaper “ZP”. Namik Dokle was appointed to the newspaper “ZP” by Ramiz Alia as a strong, loyal hand of the PPSH. It was precisely then that “ZP” was supposed to lay out on its pages the scorched-earth scenario of the dark year ’91. For this, ZP was financially stronger than ever. By order of Alia and the PPSH, the State Budget—the budget of the poorest state in the world—provided 400 thousand dollars, ostensibly to pay fines and buy a printing press. And the strong hand and his comrades carried out this task: the money became tractors, oil, allowances and fantastic bonuses; it became funding for communist newspapers and pamphlets to pour their venom on the fragile democracy appearing on Albania’s horizon. Yesterday, Dokle was summoned to testify about the misuse of 400 thousand dollars. The investigation is “Top Secret”. But once again, our readers are helped by inside sources at “ZP”. According to them, during his testimony yesterday Namik accused his own party, Pellumbi and Perparim Xhixha. At PPSH headquarters, it is reported that not only has the PS finally cast Dokle aside, but the latter has also accused and answered his party in the same way. An expression of this conflict was the kicking out (as popular folklore would put it, “with kicks”) of deputy Shkelqim Cani from Dokle’s office. From PS headquarters, we learn that the reason was Cani’s statements to the press, in which he directly blamed Dokle for the 400 thousand dollars. Dokle’s accusatory testimony against the PS leadership suggests that Namik, although one of the most important figures in the theft of 400 thousand dollars, is not the most important one. Recent developments make the matter look as if Xhixha possesses information that could incriminate Dokle. Sources inside “ZP” were unable to confirm whether Dokle did or did not submit documents concerning the 150 thousand dollars sent to Canada. If that was uncertain, the fact that Dokle was implicated in Bogdani’s escape was easily confirmed. As for the current editor-in-chief, Thoma Gellçi, his colleagues say that he has provided evidence that state-bank money was used to buy tractors, oil, flour, etc., for the benefit of certain individuals and the newspaper “ZP”. Asked confidentially about Gellçi’s 76,500 dollars, Dokle commented that Gellçi was only one of those who shared the money. The further progress of the investigation will bring other “surprises” for public opinion, and particularly for the Socialist membership, which is astonished by the corruption of its leadership. And to think that around 400 thousand dollars is only the tip of the iceberg of the socialist leadership’s corruption. (the poorest state in the world) was sending, by order of Alia and the PPSH, 400 thousand dollars supposedly intended for the purchase of a printing press. And the strong hand, together with his comrades, carried out this task too: the money became—tractors, oil, per diems and fantastic rewards; it became a fund At the PSSH headquarters, it is learned that not only has the PS definitively Doklen the situation, but the latter has also accused it and responded to the party in another way. An expression of this conflict is the expulsion (in popular folklore, with kicks) of the deputy can confirm this testimony by Dokle. inside “ZP” were unable to confirm whether Dokle submitted it for socialist membership, which is astonished that their corruption erupted. And to think that the corruption involving 400 thousand $ is only the tip of the iceberg of corruption in the socialist leadership.

Yesterday, the President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, received the military delegation of Great Britain, led by the Deputy Chief of the Defence Staff, Marshal Xhon Ulis. Thanking them for the assistance provided so far to our army, the President noted that this visit would give further impetus to the good relations between our two countries. The President stressed that our path towards integration into Europe runs through increased cooperation with all Western European countries and organizations, particularly NATO and the European Union, as well as through expanded joint activities within the framework of the Partnership for Peace, where British support is especially valued. For his part, Marshal Ulis expressed his satisfaction with the outcome of the talks with his Albanian counterparts, during which the priorities for British assistance in the field of defence were defined. Press and Information Office of the President

On the occasion of Mr. Alen Zhype’s appointment as Prime Minister of the French Republic, Prime Minister Aleksander Meksi sent him a congratulatory telegram, which, among other things, said: I learned with particular pleasure of the news of Your Excellency’s appointment by the President of the Republic, Mr. Zhak Shirak, to the very high office of Prime Minister of the French Republic. On this occasion, I extend to Your Excellency my very best wishes for success in your highly responsible mission. I am convinced that, through your direct contribution and that of your government, bilateral relations and cooperation will develop further in the future, and that France’s assistance to Albania will continue in support of its integration into European structures.

The former director of the “ZP” printing house and Dokle’s companion in Canada in ’91 escapes to Canada a few days after the scandal breaks. How did he manage to obtain a visa for Canada in just a few days? With what money did he go? All the evidence points to Dokle and the head of the PS. Edmond Bogdani, former director of the “ZP” printing house, obtained a visa urgently and left for Canada just a few days after the 400-thousand-dollar scandal broke—exactly three days after the second article in “RD”. In February 1991, Bogdani accompanied Dokle to Canada, where, according to Dokle, a sham contract was signed, which no one has produced to date. Dokle then returned from Canada, while E. Bogdani remained there for months. Meanwhile, three other specialists sent to Canada did not return. Did he prefer Toronto, or did he sense the corruption and flee from it? As has now been established, the 400 thousand dollars allocated for the printing house were misused for other things. Part of the money—150 thousand dollars—was sent by Dokle to Canada and disappeared, while another 250 thousand dollars was used for foreign trips by couples from the PS leadership or for trading in oil, paper, tractors, etc. Meanwhile, Bogdani returned to Albania. His “training” at the printing house in Canada was of no use to him at all when he returned to Tirana. The fact is that a few days before the scandal broke, he was working as a supplier for a private company. This fact, however incidental it may seem, proves that the entire PS leadership was convinced that no printing press would ever arrive in Albania. Otherwise, there would have been no reason to let the “specialist” (who, according to Dokle, was “trained” in Canada with part of the 400 thousand dollars) work as a supplier for a private company. But let us turn to the latest interesting development. The 400-thousand-dollar scandal broke in the pages of “RD”. Just a few days after the second article in “RD”, sources inside “ZP” informed us that former “ZP” director Edmond Bogdani had urgently left Albania, heading for Canada. What Bogdani’s mission in Canada was has already been reported several times by “RD” in its articles about “Dokle’s emissaries”. Bogdani was tasked specifically with finding an old printing press and fabricating false documents, but… It seems that Dokle’s emissary failed in his mission. At first, he tried to do something, but the latest information indicates that Bogdani has decided to remain in Canada permanently, leaving Dokle in the lurch; in other words, his mission ended in “escape”. Could Bogdani, by fleeing, have wanted to show that the guilty party is in Albania, that Dokle is the one who [text is corrupted in the source] the printing press? The source text then repeats passages: no use when he returned to Tirana; a few days before the scandal this seemingly incidental fact proves that the entire PS leadership knew no printing press would ever reach Albania, and “specialist” work as a supplier. The article again recounts that the 400-thousand-dollar scandal broke in “RD”, that Bogdani urgently left for Canada after the second article, and that “RD” had already described his mission to find an old printing press and fabricate false documents. It again says that Dokle’s emissary appears to have failed, and that Bogdani has decided to stay in Canada permanently, leaving Dokle in the lurch, so his mission ended in “escape”. The final sentence is corrupt in the source: “Could Bogdani, by this escape, have sought source] the only printing press, after the whole scandal that [text is corrupted in the source] false documents, the tasks Bogdani was assigned, in ‘escape’.”

On October 13, ’92, three days before the birthday of his spiritual father and seven months after March 22, Thoma Gëllçi suddenly and unexpectedly became a boss. It’s no joke: 76,500 dollars—money Thomai had never even seen in his dreams. Not only the family, but also the neighbors and the beloved of his heart were somewhat astonished, and now asked the “boss” where such great fortune had come from, how he had become so wealthy. And Thomai, the editor-in-chief of “ZP”, would reply mockingly: “What did they fight for democracy for, if not to bring capitalism? And our party, the PS, rewards us for our hard work, dedication and loyalty, because it has understood the rules of capitalist society. So you understand, my salary is more than P. Plumbi’s. The prime minister is below me. He gets three times less than I do. I earn 900 to 1,200 dollars a month.” “Come on, Thoma, this isn’t a salary matter. You must have inherited something and aren’t telling us—maybe we should ask you for a loan,” said those who did not know his trick. And Thomai replied: “The truth is, I also have an uncle who left me a will.” The poor people nostalgic for Marxist ideas did not know that the imaginary uncle he boasted about was Uncle Ramiz, who really did leave Thomai and several others an inheritance of 400 thousand dollars, turning them from paupers into bosses who could roll in dollars.

A few days ago, an international symposium on “European Constitutional Area” was held in Lausanne, Switzerland. The organizers of this event were several well-known universities and institutes, as well as international leaders, among them those from Chicago, Heidelberg, Zurich, Lausanne, etc. One of the principal speakers was Mr. Jochen Frowein, a very well-known professor and international director and comparative law expert, a professor and mediator at several universities in Europe and the United States. The subject of his paper was “The Essential Elements of a Constitution.” It is interesting to note that Professor Frowein, after mentioning, among other things, some of the important constitutional changes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, also devotes a special place in his paper to these changes in our country. One of the paper’s subtitles is “The Concept of a Constitution in the Formal Sense and the Constitution of Albania.” Among other things, he says that “almost all the new democracies in Europe today have a constitution in the formal sense.” In some countries, important constitutional changes have been made in the context of communist constitutions, as in Poland, while in most cases new constitutions have been drafted and approved mainly through referendums. In Albania, the draft constitution submitted by the special constitutional commission to the Albanian parliament was not approved in the referendum held last autumn; the draft was not approved in the referendum held last autumn. Professor Frowein stresses that Albania’s case is also quite interesting from the perspective of constitutional law, since, among other issues, the matter in question is also being treated as an obstacle to Albania’s admission to the Council of Europe. He adds that, following the overthrow of the dictatorship, a series of important constitutional laws were approved in Albania. They were passed by parliament and concern both state institutions and citizens’ fundamental rights. These fundamental laws of the state—these laws, which are indeed constitutional—can as a whole be regarded as a complete constitution. A positive feature is that these constitutional laws can be amended only by a two-thirds majority of parliament. Professor Frowein then stresses that it would be good for the Constitution of Albania to be approved on the basis of these constitutional laws, and for the separate constitutional laws to cease to exist. Following the rejection of the draft Constitution in Albania by referendum, a paradoxical situation has arisen, whereby Albania is in a worse position for admission to the Council of Europe than some states that have merely changed a few aspects of their communist constitutions. It would be right to give careful thought to the constitutional concept in this regard. Albania has not only a constitution in the material sense; if we consider the existing constitutional laws as a whole and in harmony, it also has a constitution in the formal sense. Of course, this has not been gathered into a single document. Nevertheless, the constitutional laws are clearly distinct from ordinary laws and, in terms of their wording, can be compared quite well with the constitutions of other Eastern European countries. For these reasons, it would be wrong to regard this situation Europe.

From the press conference of the Minister of Mineral and Energy Resources, Abdyl Xhaja As a result of an entirely mistaken theory and practice pursued in the development of the industrial, energy and mining sectors, this industry suffered a complete shock in 1990–91. In a state of total financial collapse and burdened with debt, the sector of the economy was found by Mr. Xhaja in the spring of 1992 to be impoverished. Domestic and Eastern markets, along with the new climate, brought it to a standstill for several months, effectively bringing it to a complete closure. In nine and six months, by January 1995, the accounts are said to show around 28 million tonnes of recoverable reserves. “It is positive,” Minister Xhaja said, “that, thanks to comprehensive organizational, technical and other measures, it became possible to achieve an increase in production.” The situation created has left millions of dollars in investments blocked, both from the state budget and from around 17.6 million dollars in support in the form of machinery and equipment provided by the European Community. Companies such as “Oks”, “Shevro”, “Hamilton”, “OMV”, “Aship”, “Shell”, etc. have begun their investments in oil exploration, both on land and offshore. For Minister Xhaja, the final expansion of energy resources remains an even greater problem, for construction, cooking and recreation. Although the sector strategy for this problem has been clearly defined, its practical implementation remains highly problematic. The theft of electricity during distribution and use remains alarming. The minister stopped during this (Continued on page 3.)

Has Albanian society “divorced” itself from Marxist-Leninist philosophy? The strategy of tension and black paint—the crisis face of the SP leadership The truth: Who destroyed Albania? They were merely drink collectors... The communist fifth column is preparing to attack

Meeting of the National Council of the PDSH It is announced that the meeting of the National Council of the PDSH will be held on Tuesday, 23 May 1995, at 11:00, at the Palace of Congresses, Tirana. The main items on the agenda will be: 1. Organizational problems in the PD, the election campaign in the PD and its structures; 2. Issues concerning the improvement of propaganda work in the PDSH.