Between reality and partisanship, Cani chooses the latter
Inside
Between reality and partisanship, Cani chooses the latter
“Voice of America” commentary, 15 July ’95
Albanian foreign policy has admirers who welcome it and opponents who remain silent
Pëllumbi puts Meta in his place
The joint Albanian-American exercise “Shqiponja Shqiptimtare” SAREX ’95 begins -2
Mr. Serreqi received Mr. Van der Stoel
At least repent, Comrade Gjinushi!
Letter without an envelope
At least repent, Comrade Gjinushi!
From the active members of the PDSH branch, Kavajë
Bring the best people into leadership
“Judge” Brozi in the service of the old politics
Brozi’s metamorphoses in the “Nano case”
-During parliamentary debates, Brozi expressed complete conviction that Nano was guilty
-Brozi protested to the Inter-Parliamentary Union against interference in the internal affairs of Albanian justice
-The Nano case in the Court of Cassation - Brozi does not participate in the judicial panel
Brozi’s metamorphoses in the “Nano case”
“Judge” Brozi in the service of the old politics
-During parliamentary debates, Brozi expressed complete conviction that Nano was guilty
-Brozi protested to the Inter-Parliamentary Union against interference in the internal affairs of Albanian justice
-The Nano case in the Court of Cassation - Brozi does not participate in the judicial panel
President Berisha receives academician Krasniqi
Yesterday, the President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, received the academician from Kosovo, Prof. Mark Krasniqi.
At the meeting, after acquainting his guest from Kosovo with the results of the reform process, the President of the Republic focused on Albania’s contribution to preventing the conflict from spreading and to the stability of the region, emphasizing the ongoing efforts of Albanian policy to find a solution to the Kosovo problem. President Berisha stressed that without a solution to the Kosovo problem, the region’s other problems cannot be resolved.
Professor Mark Krasniqi congratulated him on the major and important changes he had observed since his last visit, praising the efforts of the Albanian government and people to build the rule of law and a market economy in Albania. After congratulating President Berisha on Albania’s admission to the Council of Europe, he said that further strengthening Albania’s position in the European family also contributes to resolving the Kosovo problem.
Press and Information Office of the President
Prime Minister Meksi begins official visit to Bucharest
Prime Minister Meksi began his official visit to Bucharest yesterday, where he will hold talks with the other highest-ranking figures of the Romanian state, including President Iliescu.
As has been announced, the protocol of the second session of the joint Albanian-Romanian governmental commission for economic, industrial and technical cooperation is also expected to be signed during this visit. This document sets out the objectives of cooperation in various fields, including mining, energy, the wood industry, steel and mechanical engineering, construction materials, tourism, etc.
The Albanian prime minister’s visit to Romania marks another important moment in relations between the two countries.
The “Kalashnikov” Professors
Documents from the Former Ministry of Internal Affairs
The dictatorship’s loyalists at the helm of the SP
Documents from the former Ministry of Internal Affairs The “Kalashnikov” Professors The dictatorship’s loyalists at the helm of the SP These are new documents from the former Ministry of Internal Affairs, from 1991, which shed light on the strategy of crime drawn up by the dictatorship in its final days. In implementation of an order from the Ministry of Internal Affairs dated 26.11.1991, Veri Koci, Director of the Directorate of this ministry, supplied the party’s loyalists with weapons, pistols and automatic rifles: Gramoz Ruci, Kastriot Islami, Sabit Brokaj, Leontiev Cuci, Klement Koleneci, (Enver Hoxha’s son-in-law) Fatmir Kumbaro, Kico Blushi, and the list continues with the names of 18 other loyalists of the dictatorship. They were armed just a few days after the creation of the first opposition party, the Democratic Party, and only a few days before the elections of 31 March 1991 and the massacre of 2 April in Shkoder. “We took power with blood and we will relinquish it with blood” was the slogan of those days, which the criminals directed at the people. “We will smash their skulls,” declared former communist parliament speaker Kastriot Islami. What were the dictatorship’s loyalists armed for? Against whom would they fight? Their prosecution has made the “death lists” disappear. You would find thousands of Albanians on them if Gamo Ruci had not ordered them burned. Perhaps the dictatorship’s communist loyalists themselves, who today hold senior positions in the “Socialist” Party and are members of parliament for that party, can answer these questions better than anyone. B.KASMI PEOPLE’S SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA PEOPLE’S SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA SECRET
The Nano case at the Court of Cassation — Brozi will not sit on the judicial panel because he has previously declared Nano guilty
The 9 million dollars that disappeared from the Italian court, meant for the Albanian people, are more than enough to leave no ambiguity about the fairness of the rulings issued by the three Albanian courts in the so-called “Nano case.”
The Albanian public is now familiar with every aspect of that scandal. Hungry Albanians, on the brink of survival, experienced firsthand the consequences of Nano’s signatures and his compromises with Perniole. At a time when Albania was waiting to alleviate hunger, Nano, acting on Perniole’s instructions, sought bottles and tins of canned food for the Albanians—goods that can still be found in stock in some warehouse today. But then, unexpectedly, the president of the Court of Cassation, Zef Brozi, makes a highly peculiar request for Nano’s acquittal. It is precisely that Zef Brozi who, during parliamentary debates on lifting Fatos Nano’s immunity, when he was accused of corruption, was convinced of Nano’s guilt and, more forcefully than many others, called for his prosecution.
Brozi’s position on the “Nano case”: he vigorously protests before journalists against the “Inter-Parliamentary Union,” which, according to Mr. Brozi, is making blatant interventions in the Albanian justice system by discussing Nano’s imprisonment. This statement has been published throughout the Albanian press and mass media.
Even after his election as President of the Court of Cassation, Zef Brozi did not participate as a judge on the panel hearing the Nano file in Cassation, because he had previously declared him guilty, thus reaffirming what he had stated in the Albanian Parliament. So the President of the Court of Cassation accepted as correct the positions taken by all three judicial levels regarding Nano’s corruption. But what is happening now:
BROZI CONTRADICTS HIMSELF?!
It seems that, for some people like Brozi, their origins are a whirlpool that will not let them break away easily, especially when the ties are strong knots. And so Mr. Brozi is completely swept up by the whirlpool of his political convictions’ origins, in order to save a sinner like Nano, contradicting himself.
Mr. Brozi, President of the Court of Cassation, is asking the Plenum of the Court of Cassation to support his request for Nano’s release?! Or to send this case back for trial at first instance?!
This “salto mortale” by Zef Brozi as a jurist has been supported by the opposition parties, primarily the SP. This constitutes an accusation against him of “political judgments and decisions in the case.”
Brozi’s self-contradiction as a jurist, as he takes on the role of a politician, is made convincing by his public statement two weeks ago calling for Prime Minister Meksi’s resignation, and most recently by his demand for the dismissal of Deputy Prime Minister Dylber Vrioni.
His “new” position on the “Nano case,” on the pretext that “violations exist,” amounts to a lapse in judgment as a jurist, because it is now far too late to react: what Mr. Brozi considers violations were not first discovered by him today through a week-long “study of the file”; he already knew about them. He knew them from the time Brozi classified Nano as guilty of corruption involving Italian aid. There have been no violations. Thus, Brozi’s latest positions make the matter clear: he is serving the opposition politically. There may be various reasons why Brozi is doing this. He may have returned to his old convictions. But it should also not be forgotten that Brozi was once accused of involvement with narco-dollars in the Kallafatos case. Thus, Brozi’s metamorphosis may be due to either one reason or the other. Time will reveal the truth.
Brozi’s game is an old one
It is normal for various branches of the judiciary, especially their leaders, to seek to uphold the rule of law in procedures and trials that, in their view, prove unlawful.
But in the case of the president of the Court of Cassation, Mr. Zef Brozi, the exercise of this authority is compromised by the way he presents the Nano case—not in the language of a jurist, but that of a politician. Convinced that the Plenum will consign to the bin the surreal opinions of confused politicians who have forgotten the laws and the law, Brozi makes his own shortsighted calculations, so that tomorrow he can appear as a hero before the Socialists (so much I could, so much I did), toward whom, it seems, the “devil who spoils plans” suffers from a complex of all kinds of calculations and compensations. Brozi’s game is old and far too worn out to cause a sensation; it reeks all the way to Honolulu and could serve anyone—the devil or a saint—except the law, which in this case feels threatened by the head of the Court of Cassation. Brozi has failed on both fronts: as a jurist, who has rarely spoken in the language of the law, and as a politician, who has even more rarely been characterized by moral substance. As former chairman of the law committee in the People’s Assembly, Brozi was one of the most zealous prosecutors of the Nano case. Now that he wants to become Nano’s most ardent apologist, it is too late. Nano is an ordinary criminal, rightly convicted by the Albanian justice system, and in this position it is hard for him to be of any service to this Don Quixote who fights ghosts in broad daylight.
PEOPLE’S SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA SECRET MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS
Copy No. 1 SECOND DIRECTORATE Tirana, 26.2.91 No. 34. Prot. Subject: Handing over weapons UNIT No. 323. HERE
PEOPLE’S SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA
SECRET
MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS
Copy No. 1
SECOND DIRECTORATE Tirana, 26.2.91
No. 34. Prot.
Subject: Handing over weapons
UNIT No. 323.
HERE
In implementation of the order of the Minister of Internal Affairs No. 01-64, dated 22.4.1983, the comrades listed below are issued personal arms: a “Makarov” pistol and an automatic rifle.
1. KLEAN THI KOÇI
2. KICO BLUSHI
3. LUFETAR XHUVELI
4. REXHEP MEDJANI
5. MINELLA DALANI
6. ALEKS LUARASI
7. MUHAMET KAPLLANI
8. GRAMOZ RUÇI
9. DASHAMIR KORE
10. LEONTIEV ÇUÇI
11. DRINI MEZINI
12. QEMAL DISHA
13. YLLI BUFI
14. AHMET OSJA (I do not consider it necessary and signed for its receipt)
15. ALTIN YLLI
16. LEONARD NANO
DIRECTOR OF THE SECOND DIRECTORATE
Veri Koçi [signed].
PEOPLE’S SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA SECRET MINISTRY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS
Copy No. 1 SECOND DIRECTORATE dated 26.2.91
Copy No. 1
SECOND DIRECTORATE
dated 26.2.91
No. 35. Prot.
SUBJECT: Issuing weapons
UNIT No. 323.
1. SIMON STEFANI One pistol
2. LENKA ÇUKO One pistol and one automatic rifle
3. BEHAR SHTYLLA One pistol and one sporting rifle
4. OSMAN MURATI One pistol and one automatic rifle
5. FARUDIN HOXHA One pistol and one automatic rifle
6. VITOKAPO One pistol and one automatic rifle
7. AJLI ALUSHANI One pistol
8. PETRIT GAÇE One pistol and one automatic rifle
9. VJOLLICA KALLAJXHI One automatic rifle
10. RAHMAN HANKU One automatic rifle
11. PIRO KONDI One automatic rifle
12. MARK PRENDI One pistol
13. SHENASI ZENEJ One pistol
14. KUDRET TOPÇIU One pistol
15. JOVAN BARDHI One pistol and one automatic rifle
16. SPIRO KOLEKA Three rifles and two pistols
17. MANUSH MYFTIU One rifle and one automatic rifle
18. HAKI TOSKA Two pistols and one automatic rifle
19. VEIZ GJEBERO One automatic rifle
20. SOKOL HOXHA One pistol
The list ends with item number 20 (twenty)
DIRECTOR OF THE SECOND DIRECTORATE
Veri Koçi [signed]
17. SALVATOR FRANJA (I do not consider it necessary and it was signed by him)
18. KASTRIOT ISLAMI
19. SABIT BROKA
20. ZYHDI PEPA
21. KLEMENT KOLANECI
22. NIKO GIYZARI
23. FATMIR KUMBARO
24. GJON GORISHTI
DIRECTOR OF THE SECOND DIRECTORATE
VERI KOÇI [signed]