All ten doctorates, a man of darkness ... Shame on the Dr. who puts it up front; shame on Gellçi and the ZP, who continue passionately publishing the “mentally ill” of the transition. Put the bullet in... Mehmet the brave (Mehmet Loci)

We are convinced that the initiative taken by our fellow sufferers from the district of Laç (Kurbini) is in the association’s best interests. We stand in solidarity with them and also call on our fellow sufferers throughout our country to support this initiative.

From Brozi’s “fashion shows” “Lie, gentlemen, but don’t go beyond all sense of proportion” PAGE 2

Nano file — a reminder 9 million dollars gone missing are still 9 million dollars gone missing -The insistent demand, based on deceptions, to appoint Lev.Co as the handler of the aid; the speculative compromises over the goods; the bypassing of specialized bodies; and the falsification of documents cannot be evidence of innocence. -The publication in Italy of the case against Lev.Co does not in any way clear Nano. EDI PALOKA “The Nano case is on the agenda” — “ZP” has repeated this expression so often that it is an understatement to say it has become tiresome. Nevertheless, the fact that the corruption file of the former communist prime minister will soon go before the Plenary of the Court of Cassation, as well as the fact that the president of this Court, contradicting himself, has come out in favor of Nano, compels you at least to remind the public what the so-called “Nano File” represents (without claiming to clarify it further, with an evolving account of the affair, such as E.B [?] ... dollars in debt at a time when hunger caused by deprivation had become a reality; the very existence of an entire people was at issue. Under these circumstances, the Italian government decided to send the Albanians emergency aid in food and medicine, aid that was like artificial respiration for a country on the brink of catastrophe. That was when the aid scandal began. Nano, Alia and those around them poisoned the breath of hope, endangering the survival of an entire people. But why was there insistence on Lev.Co? This would be revealed later, when the result was 9 million dollars missing. As would be established, the connections were old and complicated. On one side was R. Alia’s son, and on the other Hajdin Sejdia, for whom Nano had previously signed two falsified documents (this is one of the charges for which he was convicted). What happened next? Trade and food specialists prepared a list of the goods essential to the survival of Albanians, but the aid, passing through Alia, involved speculative deals with Lev.Co’s managers to clear their warehouses of surplus stock. The letter insistently requested that Lev.Co be the company to deliver aid to Albania, supposedly because it had worked in Albania before and in the same country. All of this was deliberate deception intended to appoint Lev.Co as the representative ... ... it was simply a commission agent. ... Meanwhile, tons of dried beans ... that the chairman of this Court, contradicting himself, declares himself in favor of Nano, makes it necessary File” represents (without claiming to clarify the nature of the evolving and interrupted account by E.B. of “ZP”). The end of 1990 and the beginning of ’91 marked the extreme political and economic crisis of the communist regime in Albania. The policy pursued by the ruling clique had brought the country to the brink of survival. 500 million artificial respirations for that country, which was on the verge of … and would manage aid for Albania, since that company had worked in Albania before and knew the Lev.Co as the aid distributor. The insistence of the Albanian side led the Italian government to bypass the tender (in which some of the most powerful firms had submitted bids) and appoint Lev.Co to handle the aid—a little-known firm that, above all, was involved in fraud. The letter insistently requested from Lev.Co that the firm was … Meanwhile, tons of that clothing … Meanwhile, tons of dried beans replaced oil and cheese. Not only that, but these goods came from Italy at fantastic prices, as if they had been bought in antique shops. Meanwhile, Nano went further in his work. He excluded precisely the specialized institutions from handling the aid, thereby paving the way for abuses by … (Continued on page 2)

the deceiver On July 11, 1995, Zef Brozi, the aide to the Chairman of the Court of Cassation, appears before Mr. Lumturi Meta, protocol secretary at the Ministry of Economy and Finance, with an envelope from Zef Brozi addressed to Mr. Dylber Vrioni. Brozi’s aide claims that the envelope is urgent, even though it bears no indication of urgency. According to Mr. Lumturi, receipt of the envelope is refused because the date on the letter addressed to Mr. Vrioni does not correspond to the date it was delivered. The letter bears the date April 11, ’95, while the delivery date is July 11, ’95. After the secretary insists, the envelope is returned to be ... REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA MINISTRY OF FINANCE SUBJECT: Reply to letter. TO THE COURT OF CASSATION, TIRANA In reply to your letter No. 341, dated 11.07.1995, we clarify as follows. For 1995, Parliament allocated funds to the Court of Cassation, as it did to other budgetary institutions. The Ministry’s letter No. 7906, dated 04.04.1995, “On the State Budget for 1995,” under Law approved the following operating expenses for the Court of Cassation, according to Table No. 3. Salaries Social Insurance Total The Minister of Economy and Finance, Mr. Dylber Vrioni, would in fact appear to have received it in the first instance three months earlier, in April, and in the second instance one month earlier, in June. Thus, the Chairman of the Court of Cassation would have the opportunity to accuse Mr. Vrioni of deliberately neglecting to respond and release funds for the Court of Cassation for a period of four or one month. ’95. The delivery date, however, was July 11, ’95. After the secretary insisted, the envelope was returned for the necessary corrections. Only a few hours passed, Mr. Lumturi Meta says, before I returned to the office and found the envelope in question back on the desk. I opened it: it was the same letter addressed to the minister, but this time it bore the date June 11. So, once again, the dates did not match?! I tried to find the person who had brought the letter, but could not. Instead, as if to spite the trickery, I met Mr. Zef Brozi on the Ministry corridor stairs—the man who had sent the letter, which was signed by him. “Mr. Brozi,” I said, “your aide has brought this letter again, and its date still does not match today’s date, which is July 11.” Mr. Brozi replied: “That’s not true; it was changed and is correct.” “That’s not true,” I told him, Mr. Lumturi continues. “The letter is dated June 11. This is not normal. The first time, we accepted that it was an oversight, but when it happens again with another incorrect date, I see this as a deliberate act.” Mr. Brozi said a few words to the secretary, expressing some irritation toward her, then left with the envelope. It was returned the same day with a date matching the date of receipt, namely July 11, 1995. In short, this is the odyssey of the letter, in which Mr. Brozi tries more than once to deceive people about its date. Naturally, anyone would ask: what was the purpose of this game with the dates on this letter? Why all this haste to deliver it at lightning speed? And finally, what purpose did Mr. Brozi have in the letter’s content and its publication? Zef Brozi in his attempts to … 04.04.1995 The signatures on the Court of Cassation’s documents are his. a period of four or one month. But in the end, the attempted deception backfired on him, and in his haste to get the letter delivered by July 11, ’95 (the purpose is clear), Zef Brozi forgot to change the requested deadline for releasing the budget, according to his own account, and left it as it had been planned, based on the date of June 11, when he says: “If by 11.7.95 you do not release the budget ... we will file a complaint against you for abuse of office under Article 248 of the Criminal Code.” When in a hurry, people often end up coming to grief; that is what happened to Brozi, too. Everyone, especially a clever man like Mr. Brozi, who holds the position of Chairman of the Court of Cassation, knows the official procedure for handling documents very well. A document passes through the stages prescribed by the internal regulations of every institution or department. Thus, a letter sent, as in our case, on July 11 would take at least two days to reach its destination, allowing as well for the time needed to prepare a reply—at least a week. Yet Zef Brozi demands a reply within a day, indeed within four or five hours. Perhaps Brozi’s haste also arose because, alongside sending this letter to Mr. Vrioni, he had prepared a criminal complaint against Mr. Vrioni for prosecution … Zef Brozi Pressures the Executive After Mr. Brozi put pressure on the Court of Appeal and the Plenum of the Court of Cassation by publicizing his views and paradoxical position on the “Nano File” as Chairman of the Court of Cassation, through the press and in public—something that runs counter to judicial ethics, since a judge should not make his position on an ongoing trial public—he pressured and even threatened a senior government official, Mr. Vrioni, through letter No. 341, dated July 11, ’95, writing: “If by July 11, ’95, you do not release the budget, allowing the bank to settle our transfer orders, office under Article 248 of the Criminal Code.” It is Mr. Brozi who shamelessly protests alleged interference and pressure against the judiciary, yet it is Zef Brozi who, through concrete evidence, shows us that the Chairman of the Court of Cassation is the one interfering with and pressuring the executive, which is separate from the judiciary. This is a punishable act. MENTOR SHEHU

NDREKE GJINI Precisely at this moment, when the Albanian army is acquiring the true stature of European armies; precisely at this moment, when it is successfully integrating into European and international military structures; precisely at this moment, when, through the most successful joint Albanian-American exercises, it is demonstrating its vitality and strength after a total reform—the force of its revival prompts the leaders of the PS, in the midst of this total reform, to bring a motion of no confidence against the Minister of Defense before Parliament. This act by the leaders of the PS, which brings shame upon them through the conduct of the honorable members of the Albanian Parliament, essentially exposes the sick cynicism of this old political class toward these achievements of the Albanian army, which are truly very significant. The motion of no confidence that the PS parliamentary group brought against the Minister of Defense, Mr. Safet Zhulali, is evidence of the support these “architects” of destabilizing and destructive politics give to the fierce and inhuman fighting in Bosnia. It is evidence of their shameful contribution to our blood-soaked region and its horrors of war; it is incontrovertible evidence of their position against the Partnership for Peace, which Albania has joined. Albania has joined. And so, this whole campaign by these socialist leaders against the truly historic successes of the Albanian army is surely being directed by the most savage anti-Albanian circles, both inside and outside Albania. But these socialist leaders, who devise such games and scenarios against the sovereignty and integrity of Albania and the Albanians, and who devise such games and scenarios against democracy and progress, to the detriment of peace and stability in the region and beyond, can be certain that they will reap only one “victory”: their shame, and nothing but their shame. Minister Zhulali has described Albanian-American cooperation as excellent and highly intensive, and as a factor influencing the preservation of peace and security in the Balkan region, especially at this stage of the criminal actions of the Bosnian Serbs. “Albania,” Minister Zhulali emphasized, “although it is not a member of NATO, acts as if it were and actively participates in supporting NATO and the actions assigned to it within the framework of the UN.” Albania is therefore determined to contribute to stability and peace in the region.

After Parliament rejected the motion of no confidence against Minister of Defense Safet Zhulali, requested by the PS parliamentary group, we put two questions to Mr. Zhulali: RD: Do you think this motion of no confidence against you, requested by the PS parliamentary group, is a direct reaction by the far left to the strengthening of the Albanian army in general, and to the successful Albanian-American maneuvers in particular? Answer: The motion of no confidence against me was drafted at a time of great political tension, but there is undoubtedly some basis to the point you raised. I don’t think they are very interested in the Partnership for Peace program, and particularly not in the very good Albanian-American military relations. RD: Given that the intensity of military relations between Albania and other countries, especially Western ones, is increasing every day and achieving visible successes, “sharp-eyed” Dokle accuses you of being slow, etc. How do you comment on this? Answer: I can’t get inside Dokle’s head! PREPARED BY: N. GJ.

A high-level delegation of PDSH, led by Secretary General Prof. Dr. Tritan Shehu, departed for Italy, invited by the Italian People’s Party Congress and its chairman, Rroko Butiglione. PDSH Press and Information Department