LORENC LIGORI It is clear to everyone that the Albanian far left has its favorite rallying cry: everyone against Berisha. And indeed, an entire propaganda arsenal has been mobilized, ordered and deployed. The machinery of slander and insults has been set in full motion, “zi” and its sister publications. The PS leaders seem to have just one concern: leaving their beach villas for a few hours, escaping the hot August sun, to publish in the press speeches (whether anyone reads them is of little importance) pumped full of phrases against the President of the Republic. One leaves the center on the sand for a few meters farther away, at the PS headquarters; another is “persecuted” by being sent a little farther afield (Korçë); someone else finds a relative to pass something along; entire newspaper pages are filled with headlines adapted—with minor changes—from the 50-year-old archives. All the left-wing extremists have united in a single voice, with “an enviable unity,” against the President of the Republic. They say all sorts of things, curse and insult him, attribute entire phrases to him that he has never uttered, and seem to feel relieved afterward. One would think that the criterion for keeping their seats in their structures is attacking the President. But why has precisely this criterion been chosen? No matter how forceful it is, can it go any further? Opposing something and proving its opposite are not the same thing. The first is easily achieved by opposing, whether sensibly or recklessly; the second requires an argument. Do the PS leaders have arguments to prove the opposite of Berisha’s claims? Their statements in the press answer the question: no. Berisha observes that the PS is in a deep political, moral and identity crisis, while the Socialists, unable to argue otherwise, say: “Berisha is worried about the growth of the Socialists’ authority” (ZP editorial, 11 August 1995). Berisha says that the Marxist alternative is an enemy of democracy; when one would expect the Marxists to argue the opposite—that Marxism aspires to democracy—Dokle merely says, in a plaintive tone: “He and the others are entirely free not to believe in our alternative, but no one has the right to call it an enemy.” But the saying “let everyone keep to their own line” is of no use here. The citizen is concerned about democracy, and Berisha’s observation is concrete, concerning the Marxist alternative. But what can one say about the fact that on the very day that the Balkans’ criminal, Milošević, went to Kosovo to unveil his anti-Albanian strategy, the Albanian Socialists called for a no-confidence motion against Albania’s Ministry of Defense? “We had called for it earlier,” the PS Socialists reply. Who ordered 31 PS deputies not to vote for the law on the purchase and sale of land? What fault does the President bear when he referred to this fact? When one would expect the Socialists to acknowledge this position and explain their vote against the law, they respond vaguely: “Albanians know the Socialists’ agrarian policy, but not the President of the Republic” (ZP, 11 August 1995); further down, they deny it with the phrase, “where are the ‘facts’ showing that our group of deputies supposedly voted against the law on the purchase and sale of land?” Then why don’t they provide other figures? Why don’t they say how many voted in favor and how many against? In Pogradec, Pëllumbi hoped to say that “a party that gathers thousands and thousands of people is not in crisis…” But what can one say about the fact that he cannot gather people, that he issues illegal calls, and that he ends up reading his speech inside the PS offices—or contents himself with publishing it the next day in ZP? “Democracy is competition between alternatives,” says Pëllumbi, while skirting the central question of whether the Marxist alternative poses a danger to democracy. Why doesn’t Ruçi come out and deny that he was Alia’s secret police minister? Can those who lead FRESSH today change the fact that the Marxists staged a coup against Majko, or that the PS apparatchiks and leaders called Legjisi a “PD agent”? What are they doing? They rush to point to the Tirana conference. We need to go back in time to understand the reasons behind such a strategy. As opposition leader, and now as President, Berisha has shown that his inspiration and great ideal is democracy and the development of democratic processes in Albania. Committed to implementing reforms and integrating Albania into Europe and other international structures, and determined to stay clear of and denounce any compromise that would endanger democracy, President Berisha has demonstrated his great devotion to the country, to its present and its future prospects. What have the Socialists demonstrated over these years? In April ’92, they directed the massacre in Shkodër; in opposition they voted against the law on freedoms and human rights, against a series of fundamental reform laws, and have been characterized by a consistently nihilistic, anti-reform stance. Therefore, it is not difficult to conclude that opposition to Berisha is opposition to reform, to democratic developments and their consequences today; it is opposition to democracy. In President Berisha, Albanians see the security of the path they have embarked upon, and this troubles those who want to turn back. Should Berisha and the democratic government be chosen—or criticized—because in these three years Albania escaped mass hunger and achieved high economic growth; because the economic collapse was halted, inflation was drastically reduced, the great privatization process was carried out, a land market was created, the foreign debt issue was resolved, Albania acceded to several international conventions, is integrating into NATO, became a member of the Council of Europe, is on the verge of signing the association agreement with the EU, and so on and so forth? What is it that the Socialists dislike when their chairman Dokle declares in Prrenjas that “we seek a change in this situation, and it will change with new solutions” (ZP, 13 August 1995)? If President Berisha, the Democratic Government and the PD can be “blamed” and “criticized,” it can only be deserved for the sole “fault” of fulfilling the contract they signed with the electorate in March ’92. But this “fault” gives them the right to sign a new contract. Such “faults,” even if they trouble our “Socialists,” will continue to provoke further attacks from the far left; but they only bring honor to President Berisha. they staged a Marxist coup against Majko, or that the apparatchiks and leaders of the PS called Legisi a “PD agent”? What do they do? They rush to demonstrate their unity with Ruçi. But that is precisely what was being discussed; that is precisely where the “drama of the Eurosocialists” lies. Has he been forced to coexist with Ruçi, who presided over that era of Arben Broci? Who gives “KJ” and “ZP” the right to falsify the statements of the head of state and write that the President said: “The Socialists are our enemies,” or “A future PS victory would be national treason”? Where did they hear or read such absurdities? Where is the similarity to the PPSH conference in Tirana, Martin Leka—or is it in the fact that he insults the President, makes reprehensible comparisons, and gets away with it without a scratch? These and other similar things express the deep political crisis of the PS, the crisis of thought, logical argument and alternatives, and its inability to convince Albanians that the PS is being reformed. The question arises—why is Berisha being attacked? Surely the answer cannot be confined to his speech alone.

Statement by the Albanian Democratic Party The Albanian Democratic Party is following with great concern Belgrade’s latest attempts to settle Serb colonists from Krajina in Kosovo. There is no doubt that this constitutes a new attempt to colonize Kosovo, a desire to heighten tensions there, and a way of easing the conflict in the South. Such actions, which continue a chauvinist policy, openly contradict democratic principles and human rights. They continue the oppression of Kosovo’s population and manifest a desire for ethnic cleansing. As such, they carry within them the danger of conflict—conflicts that are extremely dangerous not only for the peoples of the former Yugoslavia, but also for peace and stability in the Balkans. The Albanian Democratic Party strongly supports the position of the Albanian Government and the Government of Kosovo regarding these new adventures by Belgrade’s chauvinist circles. The Democratic Party also calls on friendly political parties, the governments of democratic countries and international institutions to make a serious commitment to preventing these absurd and anachronistic attempts from being carried out, convinced that only in this way can peace and stability in the region be served. Tirana, 15.8.1995 Serreqi on the settlement of Serb colonists in Kosovo “We consider it urgent to take effective measures in good time to prevent the conflict from escalating.” As the spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs reports, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Albania, Alfred Serreqi, stated in a letter addressed to his counterparts, the foreign ministers of the countries in the region, that the settlement of these Serb colonists in Kosovo poses a high risk of the conflict spreading. The letter states that the presence of Serb colonists in Kosovo creates a new and extremely dangerous situation for security and stability in the region. Minister Serreqi stresses that it is the conflict from escalating. As the spokesperson of Affairs of the Republic of Albania, Mr. Alfred Serreqi, in a letter addressed to his counterparts—the foreign ministers of the permanent member countries of the Security Council, of the Contact Group, and the Chairperson-in-Office of the OSCE—expresses the concern of the government and the Albanian people over the tragic developments in the former Yugoslavia, as well as over Belgrade’s plan to settle in Kosovo Serbian colonists displaced from Croatia and Bosnia. The letter states, among other things: “The settlement of Serbian colonists in Kosovo is part of the old Greater Serbian plan to continue the ethnic cleansing of Albanians with even greater intensity, with the aim of changing the ethnic structure—a practice condemned under international law. This action will further aggravate the tense situation in Kosovo and will inevitably lead to unforeseen developments, turning Kosovo into a second Bosnia and risking the spread of the conflict not only to the south of the former Yugoslavia but further afield as well. We therefore to prevent the escalation of the conflict.” In his letter, Mr. Serreqi further emphasizes that, “The Albanian government, convinced that only the engagement of the international community and its institutions can help prevent the serious consequences of such an action by Belgrade, calls for a clear and unequivocal message to be given to Belgrade that it will not be allowed to continue its policies of expansion and its responsibility in the Balkans. Otherwise, it will be difficult to hope for a fair and lasting resolution of this crisis. I take this opportunity to emphasize that the Albanian government considers it essential to accelerate the consideration of the Kosovo issue as part of the efforts to resolve the crisis in the former Yugoslavia as a whole. The Albanian government has followed developments in the former Yugoslavia with concern and has not been indifferent to them; it has sought to ensure that they are resolved through dialogue. We wish to emphasize on this occasion that it will not be indifferent and will not remain passive in the face of the spread of the conflict to the south, which is taking concrete shape in the ethnic cleansing of Albanians in Kosovo and its colonization with settlers gathered from all the territories of the former Yugoslavia.” —concludes the letter of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Alfred Serreqi. of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Alfred Serreqi.

Whether they want to give a little reality to the absurdity they have written, most authors have preferred to begin their articles with the phrase … They have never said it, chosen? No matter how heavy the arsenal, it turns into a balloon when argument is lacking Whether they want to give a little reality to the absurdity they have written, or “make an issue out of it,” most authors have preferred to begin their articles with the phrase … “in the speech delivered at the PD conference in Tirana, President Berisha…” It seems that this is where this time’s “first rallying cry” against President Berisha originated. But immediately after this phrase, the reader loses the thread even more. In his speech, President Berisha summarized a series of Albania’s recent achievements as well as highlighting the PS’s failures. The reader expects to find a counterargument or at least a response in the left-wing press articles. The unrestrained attack on the President’s speech is convincing evidence that the PS leaders did not approve of his speech, but they do not…

Surely the answer cannot be confined to a few sentences... But what can one do about the fact that on the very day the Balkan criminal, Millosheviçi, Socialists called for a motion of no confidence in Albania’s Ministry of Defence. “We had called for it long ago,” the “relieved” Albanian Socialists retorted. But what can one do about the fact that Minister Zhulali prudently asked them to withdraw the motion? Could it have been the President of the Republic who ordered the left-wing press to pass over in silence one of the major recent events, the resolution of the foreign-debt issue? How can one explain the lack of any desire to welcome all those European organizations, public figures and banks that relieved Albanian citizens of such a burden? The President of the Republic welcomes Albania’s achievements, whereas for the Socialists they are worth no more than the following phrase: “He manipulated the PD’s past by trumpeting a few achievements” (ZP, 11 August 1995). Could Albania’s achievements, such as its admission to the Council of Europe, the resolution of the foreign-debt issue, and so on, be the President’s manipulation? A constructive opposition would not only refrain from calling them manipulation, but would be just as pleased as the government, because if it came to power it would inherit significant achievements that would make governing easier. But can the person who denies this do it—declare that he was not a minister of Millosheviçi’s secret police? the very day the Balkan criminal, Millosheviçi, denier do this—declare in Kosovo?

From the meetings and visits of Mr. Anastasios Peponis to our country Greece’s Minister of Justice, Anastasios Peponis, has arrived in Albania for a two-day visit, during which legal issues concerning bilateral cooperation will be discussed. Upon his arrival at Rinas Airport, the Greek Minister of Justice was welcomed by his counterpart, Albania’s Minister of Justice, Mentor Frasheri, as well as other state officials. Mr. Anastasios Peponis, who has held this post since February ’95, is the first Greek Minister of Justice to visit our country. His visit follows earlier visits by other Greek dignitaries: Foreign Minister Karolos Papulias and Defence Minister Gerasimos Arsenis. With a clear schedule of meetings on important issues, the Greek Minister of Justice said that he sees (Continued on page 2)

From the meeting of the Shkodër branch of the PD On Saturday, at ten o’clock, a meeting of the Shkodër branch of the Democratic Party was held in the “Pjeter Meshkalla” auditorium of “L. Gurakuqi” University, attended by representatives of the city and village sections and sub-sections. Also present at the meeting were the Democratic Party vice-chairman, Mr. A. Spahia; the prefect of Shkodër, I. Vrioni; the chairman of the district council, Mr. Kazazi; MP P. Pepa; the mayor, F. Guraziu; and others. After the opening remarks by Mr. B. Hoti, who described this meeting as important in preparation for the branch conference to be held on 19 August ’95 at the “Migjeni” Theatre, the floor was taken by the chairman of the PD branch in Shkodër, Mr. Ludovik Dega, who presented the draft report to be delivered at the branch’s fourth conference. In this draft report, Mr. Dega summarized some of the party’s main achievements during the period between the two conferences. The Democratic Party is the dominant force in Shkodër’s political life, having won all the elections, the latest referendum, and throughout the period of economic changes. autumn, and we are convinced they will yield results.’” (Continued on page 2)

As the spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs reports, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Albania, Mr. Alfred Serreqi, in a letter addressed to his counterparts—the foreign ministers of the permanent member countries of the Security Council, of the Contact Group, and the Chairperson-in-Office of the OSCE—expresses the concern of the government and the Albanian people over the tragic developments in the former Yugoslavia, as well as over Belgrade’s plan to settle in Kosovo Serbian colonists displaced from Croatia and Bosnia,

Two men seated on chairs during a meeting.

The new leaders of PDSH branches invited to RD Interview with the chairman of the PD branch in Lushnje, Mr. Kamber Elezi

The oddities of the far left Dokle, a victim of the PS? Dokle interrupts his speech A little water for the Agolli family! Agap Prosi eats and drinks from the same bowl as Gramoz Ruçi The PS’s economic alternative: “we have bread for 6 more days (?!)”

President Berisha received the President of the Board of Directors of the German Krupp-Hoesch Corporation, Mr. Reinhard Quint, and the President of the German Association for Central and Eastern Europe, Mr. Henner Geldmacher. President Berisha said that Albania was interested in having this powerful corporation operate in Albania and its companies cooperate with Albanian partners. “I want to assure you,” he said, “that this cooperation will not only be beneficial and profitable for both parties, but will also contribute to the friendship and close cooperation between our two peoples and countries.” President Berisha proposed as sectors for fruitful cooperation the processing and trading of minerals—chromium, ferrochrome, nickel—as well as food processing, tourism, rail transport, etc. He assured them that in Albania they would find not only a favorable climate for investment, but also a hospitable people who feel friendship toward the German people. The President of the Krupp-Hoesch Corporation, Mr. Quint, expressed his pleasure that, following meetings at various ministries, he had many opportunities for long-term cooperation with Albanian partners. He supported President Berisha’s identification of the processing and trading of minerals—chromium, ferrochrome, nickel—tourism, rail transport, food processing, etc., as areas of mutual interest, and undertook to make serious efforts to begin the corporation’s activities in Albania. Europe praised the notable achievements in Albania and said that Albania was the only country in Eastern Europe that adhered to its agreements with the IMF and had dynamic economic indicators. “Albania,” he said, “is on the road to the success of its market economy.” Regarding the encouragement of German investment in Albania, Mr. Geldmacher said: “Meetings between important and serious German investors and Albanian entrepreneurs have been planned for the autumn, and we are convinced that they will produce results.” Press and Information Office of the President