For the Council of Ministers of the EU PAGE 2

The formal unity of the PS The rival factions fighting for supremacy at the Socialist Party congress are shooting poisoned arrows at one another, but always using Aesopian phrases and indirect messages, still undesirable to the left-wing electorate, which still does not understand what is really happening at the top of the party. While Kastriot Islami, one of Nano's most trusted men and a campaigner for his motion, made a clear allusion to splitting the party into factions, according to the formula of an ellipse with two centers, the grizzled leader of the current executive, Servet Pëllumbi, only recognizes and leads the attack against the cult of the individual. If Islami issued the warning that a split was inevitable and that his group was fighting to secure a majority in the party—a claim he attributes to the still unshaken popularity of their imprisoned leader—Pëllumbi responds by striking at the strongest point of the motion supporters: Fatos Nano himself. But in his speech at a meeting of the Tirana steering committee, Pëllumbi goes even further in his attack, assuring ordinary members that the Socialist Party is neither a party of “ones” nor of “zeros.” It is easy to understand that all this is nothing other than the anecdote about the jar containing “gold coins” and “pebbles” that Fatos Nano announced before the meeting of the General Steering Committee, which Pëllumbi, in other words, declared unacceptable to the other socialists. It is clear that the theory of the ellipse launched by Islami can in no way be conceived as having two centers of equal representation—not even by the most ordinary socialist, let alone by those who are advancing in order to dictate to the party. If Nano's followers, struck by the blow dealt them after the motion was rejected, may have calculated that a split would leave them with a majority, the “rebels” seem not to share this view. This is precisely the essence of Pëllumbi's warning. Faced with the motion supporters' challenge of an inevitable split, framed in terms of the theory of an ellipse with two centers, their rivals, temporarily in a stronger position, seem intent on responding cunningly by remaining formalistic within the bounds of unity—a formula they do not want to abandon throughout the congress's preparatory phase. With this tactic of not attacking directly, but working behind the scenes with people, the current executive is seeking to leave the motion supporters holding the party's shroud. And the fact that this has been used skillfully means a great deal to ordinary grassroots socialists, who for some time have been listening intently and vainly searching for the traitors and enemies of unity in their ranks. Pëllumbi's counter-response is therefore also pressure on the factionalists: should they dare to take the first steps toward an ellipse with two centers, they are promised a star's diameter [?] that will make them undesirable to the vast majority of socialists. But this silent war of messages, which deceives the ears of the party leadership and the pages of the newspaper “Zëri i popullit,” also speaks at times of raising one of the sides to attack before the congress is held, while the two sides are held back by this contraction, seemingly seeking unity and distracting attention. This whole game and struggle, still incomprehensible to the socialist grassroots, is being marked as a kind of preparation by those who embraced Nano's motion according to all sorts of scenarios [?] and who now seek to involve Dokle in entirely new forms and bases. [The supplied text repeats the wording about Dokle many times; the repetition is retained in the source text.]

Deputy chairman of PBDNJ In several newspapers, an attack against PBDNJ has recently begun. This is mainly being carried out by leaders of “Poli i Qendrës” and a café journalist or two, who think they can say and write whatever they want, however they want, in the current situation, presenting themselves as professors and spokespersons for Albanian politics. For anyone who understands the situation today, it is not difficult to understand their emotional state and their lack of a way out. The politicians of the Pole, and especially their spokespeople, address readers in their newspapers “Koha jonë” and “Poli i Qendrës” not only as Albanian political and literary leaders, but also as representatives of the EC and the USA in Albania. Seeing the role they are trying to play without anyone having asked them to, one feels sorry for their situation and for the utterly irresponsible responsibilities they want to take upon themselves. PAGE 3

Interview with the Minister of the Interior, Mr. Halit Shamata Selecting and recruiting professional people with assured moral values, expanding the institution's public dimension, unwavering enforcement of the law, and prioritizing operational structures over administrative ones: these are some of the projects we have begun to outline. PAGE 3

Over 200 thousand dollars for the bankrupt newspaper Koha Jonë 5 PSD or PAD — We who ... for a single party Party ... of them ... Sorist Ben Blushi will be the newspaper's new chief PAGE 3

Liberalization of the price of bread divides the socialists once again — Gazeta Dita says that the PS is seeking a new ceiling price for bread, while ZP says that the PS recognizes and appreciates the Meksi government's price liberalization.

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From the Arbnori–Varrallagi meeting PAGE 2

This week saw an event that was discussed in different ways by almost all Albanians. The very spectrum of interests shaped the different responses to this development. In many opposition newspapers, the liberalization of bread is being presented as an action exposing the crisis. The opposition in general is trying to turn this issue into a political act, exploiting some of the very facts that also constitute the arguments for why liberalizing the price of bread is necessary. What are these facts? The wheat market situation, state subsidies, and speculation involving them The price of wheat has not been constant in recent years, for the simple reason that its production has not been constant either. Around 26 million tons of wheat were produced, fewer—a fact that has ... Liberalization of the price of bread — a normal and inevitable step From 130–140 dollars per ton to 230–240 dollars per ton. As a consequence of this decline and other factors, the countries of the European Community introduced subsidies for the countries of the East. These subsidies were provided for the export of wheat and flour. The state, for its part, has been very committed to securing subsidies over time, amounting to between 1.6 and 2 million dollars a month for wheat and flour. This subsidy represents the difference between the import price paid by the state and the sale price at which the state supplied bread producers. But it was precisely within this scheme that numerous speculators began operating. They bought wheat and flour at low prices and sold them at much higher prices. Thus, the government subsidy did not reach its intended destination, since bread producers—and consequently consumers—did not benefit from it. The factors involved found a way out of the situation by “eating” and ... [?], so that the only parties left losing were the consumer and the state. The government's decision to liberalize the price of bread is thus presented as a mechanism that will change who benefits from the state subsidy. Consumers will benefit from it directly, making it possible to eliminate the category of speculators. Liberalizing the price of bread is a normal and inevitable step, not only in light of the factors mentioned above. Setting it through the mechanism of supply and demand cannot be avoided under the general laws that apply in different countries with market economies. Real compensation that reflects changes The other measure taken by the Council of Ministers was to set compensation amounts for different population groups. Thus, the monthly compensation for pensioners will be 250 lekë. Those paid a salary of 250 will receive 230 lekë; pensioners, 150 lekë; and people with physical or mental disabilities, 150 lekë. But this is not the only compensation. This compensation reflects, to that extent, the effects of changes in the wheat market situation on the price of bread. In the future, bread will be included among the items in the basket of goods used to calculate an average price index. If this index exceeds the projected parameters, the government will intervene through wages, as the previous government did. In conclusion, it should be said that the aim is to “regulate the supply of bread to the people”; liberalizing bread is a necessity. The government has, for its part, taken measures to ensure a stable supply of wheat and flour. SHPËTIM LUKU