The Third National Meeting of the local elected representatives of the political grouping “Bashkimi për Demokraci” will be held on Wednesday, 22. 07. 1998, at 11 00 in the main hall of the International Center of Culture (Pyramid). Alongside the local elected representatives, members of the presidium of the Democratic Party will also take part in the meeting.

Sarandë’s black file. Everything was carried out with the criminal’s cold logic: incidents are provoked, speedboat operators are ordered to stage a kind of revolt, while criminal gangs hide behind patriotic songs... SPECIAL FEATURE ON PAGE 7

“Bashkimi për Demokraci” denounces the communist revanche against institutions

The Socialist majority has begun building an opposing side with elements within the Socialist Party, which could now be called the opposition over customs. This is reminiscent, no more and no less, of President Meidani’s resistance to issuing decrees for the new ministers of the Nano 4 government. It is now known that this resistance lasted ten days. The ministers were approved by Meidani, who backed down over a disagreement between the President and the Prime Minister. An almost identical picture has emerged in recent days, first within the governing coalition, secondly within the government, and thirdly within the alliance between the ruling majority and the third opposition minority. The opposition within the governing coalition began with Ceka’s revolt over the huge losses from smuggling, losses which Ceka attributed entirely to Minister Malaj and Director Bleta. After a debate that lasted several days, Malaj crushed this opposition by accusing his former PAD colleague of having carried out all the fuel smuggling, a trade that guarantees a hefty profit. Malaj and Bleta, who have more than 200 million dollars in smuggling losses weighing on them, also accused Ceka of failing to defend the sea and land borders, thereby encouraging smuggling even further. In fact, [the rest of the text is not visible] encourag-ed smuggling even further. In fact, both sides are credible in their accusations, but in any case they have undermined the opposition, since the card of the untainted man has been burned. Ceka is no longer an opposition figure within the governing coalition, while at the same time being a contributor to the smuggling phenomenon under discussion. The Nano government’s opposition figures appointed from the opposition camp have also long since been discredited. Not even Godo, Shehi, or Kallakulla could credibly do such a thing. It is difficult to be both an opposition figure and a collaborator with the smuggling government, just as it is impossible for a party with 0.1 percent of the electorate to present itself as both opposition and constructive when it has neither the scale nor the substance for either role. Nano has understood that it is laughable to anyone listening to call Godo, Shehi, or Kallakulla a real opposition. With these two segments of the appointed opposition—facade opposition or puppet opposition—burned out, for some time now a different kind of pseudo-opposition has been emerging within the Socialist Party, represented by the Marxist Pellumbi and followed by several former ministers who, when in government, never once raised their voices about smuggling, corruption, or crime. Its scheme has been designed so that it has neither the reputation of a credible opposition figure nor the possibility of being integrated into power or its other channels, through which organized crime, including trafficking, smuggling, and corruption, also operates. Such an attempt, with S. Pellumbi at its head, seems successful in terms of the way the danger is presented, but unsuccessful in terms of public credibility. Nobody has the patience to listen to Pellumbi’s pamphlets about democracy within the PS, while people are stealing by every means available, led by those who run the Socialist Party. Thus the Pellumbi case resembles the Meidani case, who, as a PD leader says, “speaks when he shouldn’t and doesn’t speak when he should.” The attempt to bring such a pseudo-opposition into Parliament seems even more doomed. This institution, which has been lost, cannot be rebuilt either with Agolli, who kept quiet after the 400 thousand dollars from the exhibition, or by some cooperative chairman who sends Xhuveli for the luxurious villas. And with all the fanfare and presentation, appointing opposition figures from his own clan, he presents opposition as something that can be undertaken only on issues that parties of the 2-percenters have been harping on over the last two decades. If there is a case for parties from the centre-right or those within the governing coalition to begin working on this, the people within the PS are not doing so, nor will they sacrifice themselves for the dictatorial spirit that the Nano government imposes on Albanian society through its state and political instruments. None of these so-called opposition figures, who do not even cross Nano’s mark, have raised their voices over state crimes against the real opposition, the killing and persecution of PD activists, attacks on justice and its independence, or the violation of institutions, beginning above all with constitutional provisions. The oppositional spirit has remained one that identifies them as a clan-based spirit of parties offering alternatives for smuggling, theft, and so on. Pellumbi, Ceka, who has heard of them, Malaj, Fino, Pellumbi, Ceka, Nano, Meidani—anyone who has followed them has seen that the entire opposition within the ruling camp is confined to five [unclear] of Albania and tied together through the appointments of people from the respective clan. Sami NEZHA

The elected representatives of the districts, municipalities and communes meet in Korçë More than 200 locally elected representatives, municipal, district and commune councillors, district chairmen, mayors and commune chairmen held a meeting yesterday at the Korçë Library about the state of this level of government, the central government’s violence against local government, illegal dismissals, and the measures the local elected representatives will take... ON PAGE 6

Killed at the gate of his home. The criminal calmly leaves the scene Lulëzim Çollaku took part in all the activities and rallies of the Democratic Party from 1990 onward and was among the first to publicly denounce Hoxha’s dictatorship ON PAGE 2

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In Bosnia, Chechnya, Northern Ireland, Kashmir (India), Kosovo, etc., peoples have shown the politicians of ... By Arian STAROVA In Bosnia, Chechnya, Northern Ireland, Kashmir (India), Kosovo, etc., peoples have shown the politicians of the world that they do not believe their aspirations can ever be fulfilled within the framework of human rights. International institutions and politicians have nevertheless insisted that every effort must be made to protect and implement principles such as the use of peaceful means to resolve conflicts, not changing borders by force, and resolving ethnic problems through recognition and respect for general human rights or minority rights (as set out in the charters of the UN and OSCE). The aforementioned peoples, as well as many others, have nevertheless not stopped fighting for their rights as nations (not merely for human rights). Their aspirations have not only failed to fade, but have burned more intensely because they have not been fulfilled and because of the blood shed in the struggle to realize their national aspirations. International institutions (OSCE, UN, Council of Europe, EU) and the principal players in international politics, for their part, have not stopped insisting that the dire situation of peoples cannot be changed by force, often even calling them national minorities. The practical movements of peoples and those of the international leadership seem to be moving in opposite directions, and thus there is also a contradiction that must be considered in terms of how it can be resolved. Its existence in many countries and over a long period of time are factors that should lead to the conclusion that this contradiction cannot be resolved by the means used until now—that is, by insisting on the observance of principles. Whenever contradictions arise between old principles (ideas, opinions) and a new, practical reality (the movement of peoples in the case under consideration), the solution is generally sought in changing the principles. The principle repeated like a refrain in many international forums or diplomatic meetings is that borders must not be changed by force. This principle is also enshrined in important international charters (UN, OSCE) and is indeed a humane principle, projecting far into the future a peaceful human society. It is good to refer to this principle often, but we must be aware that in some cases it serves as a Procrustean bed (a means of coercion) for various popular national movements. (continued on page 3)

Deloitte & Touche opens the auction today. Spokeswoman keeps details secret The great theft begins: Vefa, Kamberi and Silva are first The creditors who sought to become owners of several properties using the material assets they have tied up in company accounts have had their offers rejected ON PAGE 6

Berisha meets the BEP delegation, headed by Van der Linden A second Dayton for Kosovo The DP will not be a façade opposition for Europe’s most corrupt regime ON PAGE 3

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Pollo: Albanians support protests against the criminal government What lies behind Nano’s flirtation with Malaj Meidani speaks and stays silent when he shouldn’t ON PAGE 3

Images from the fighting site near the border

On Thursday, July 23, 1998, at 10:00, “Bashkimi për Demokraci” will organize a rally in front of the Parliament building in “Fan S. Noli” Square to protest against the killings, political imprisonment of opposition members, and the information blackout.

On Friday, July 24, 1998, at 19:00, “Bashkimi për Demokraci” will also hold a protest rally in front of the RTSH building in “Italia” Square against the information blackout and the failure to implement the “Arbnori Amendment”.