A 6-hour battle by firefighters to put out the fire in all the facilities A bomb sets the Fierza Hydroelectric Power Plant ablaze ON PAGE 7

The law on the sale of assets determines the new owners ON PAGE 5

NGOs in Albania: lots of funding and few results ON PAGE 5

Politicians speak out: An unprecedented act of state violence The police have seriously violated the main constitutional provisions and the status of the MP. “Members of parliament may neither be detained nor searched”

Ministry of the Interior statistics expose the Albanian prime minister. Only 26 percent of this year’s crimes have occurred north of the Shkumbin By concentrating police officers, SHIK agents and special forces where there is actually little crime, the mafia clan in power leaves free the network of smuggling and drug and arms trafficking that it itself controls in southern Albania ON PAGE 3

By Bardhyl LONDO With its latest move, the proposal for a roundtable to discuss the draft constitution, the Democratic Party once again demonstrated its goodwill and vision for political-opposition cooperation, without which a democratic society cannot be understood. The purpose of this step has been declared: for Albania to have its own constitution as soon as possible, [and] its own legislature. But at the same time, this act also has its own symbolic meaning: bringing the country’s two main forces to the negotiating table. Even this step, even if nothing were to come of the talks, would be like a sedative with an immeasurably positive effect on the exhausted and frayed nerves of Albanians at this century’s end. But, from what you have seen so far, the Albanian government has no intention of doing this. In ex- [continued] with a one-party system. But what were the concerns of the opposition after the prime minister? That it was breaking the chain of evenings with 3–4 demonstrations a month, that it was frightening children, that this demonstration was disrupting order... Strange! The prime minister cannot see the beatings, killings, insecurity of citizens and shopkeepers, drugs and the abduction of girls, smuggling, the brutality of the rabble dressed in power, which is becoming more threatening to ordinary people every day, yet he calls several thousand people—most of them women who wouldn’t hurt a fly—who are holding a perfectly lawful and peaceful demonstration to declare their convictions, disruptors of order. How is it explained that almost all the poor or mistreated? [continued] his own life, symbolically: the two main forces in the country sitting down at the negotiating table. Even this step, even if nothing came immeasurably positive effect on the nerves of Albanians, worn down and frayed at this end of the century. But the Albanian government has no intention, at least so far, of doing this. Its insistence on not “giving an inch” calls to mind a patriarchal mentality, a mentality from which today’s authorities have drawn no small measure of support. Everyone is calling for the two main Albanian political forces to sit down at the negotiating table. Even if it were merely a pose for the cameras or the newspaper pages. And the government should have been the first to take this step. But the facts show the opposite: it seems the government will respond to the opposition’s outstretched hand for talks with a refusal, fearing that the position of the “man with the moustache” in the Albanian family might be shaken. And it is precisely such mentalities and practices that are steering Albania not toward an open, democratic society, but toward an ideologized and clan-based society. The Prime Minister’s most recent speech left most Albanians with the bitter impression that the current government—or at least its leader—is ideologized from head to toe. Albanians, weary of an extremely ideologized and politicized Prime Minister, are waiting to hear a technocratic Prime Minister, in the positive sense of the word, who will truly speak to them about the many hardships Albanians face today. But the Prime Minister, though seated in the government leader’s chair, spoke like a fanatical party leader. For most of his speech (at least as it was “broadcast by state television”), he attacked the opposition. Even if everything the Prime Minister said about the opposition were true, he should have found a party forum in which to announce it, rather than misuse the office of head of government. The Prime Minister’s latest speech once again shows that today’s government and governance cannot escape extreme ideologization and politicization—a characteristic of governments that have a single path to power. Ordinary people, even when they are divided by the same distance, most of them women who can no longer bear it, and who are subjected to wholly improper manipulation by another group sensitive to the consequences caused by the authority governing them. Even their convictions. How is it that almost all those who have recently been impoverished or mistreated are members and supporters of the PD? How is it that, while trucks, steamships, and even pigs pass through our customs, opposition MPs are mistreated and branded “thieves” merely for carrying a bag on their shoulder? The Prime Minister would do well to answer these questions. As for all the cases of violence, or the customs-entry routes left entirely without controls, they were carried out by the government he leads; the opposition leader could discuss its good or bad role at a party meeting. The steps our society is taking toward becoming ideologized are truly worrying. Many facts point to the growing influence of Ramiz Alia’s 1990 position. One need only look at the comments made by the left-wing press about the PD’s departure from Parliament to be convinced. Just as Ramiz Alia tried, in his own way, to create the so-called opposition within the government (meaning the Trade Unions, the Writers’ League, women’s organizations, etc., which he even declared electoral subjects in order to create the image of a pluralist society), supporters of today’s government are trying to create an “opposition” out of two or three MPs who offer criticism merely about the ruling party’s hair, or to find “moderate factions” within its ranks. With its latest move, the main force of the Albanian opposition showed not only its serious commitment to Albania’s fate, but also a clear vision of how a democratic society functions, whose first and last principle is cooperation between government and opposition. It is now up to the “other side” to make use of the opportunities and the chance it has been given. Otherwise, it will remain in the patriarchal position of the moustached elders, who accept no voice in running the family and listen only to themselves.

Democrats in Tirana warn of the overthrow of the murderous government Let us regain the freedoms we have lost Berisha: We will not return to parliament, that club of advocates for crime, murders, terror, drugs and smuggling, for the destruction of Albania and the nation ON PAGE 2

The head of Mid’hat Frashëri’s Balli comments on the statements by the party’s usurpers ON PAGE 2

After June 29, Nano promised a state fight against drugs ON PAGE 4

Socialist motion signatories call for an extraordinary Congress ON PAGE 3

Republicans against Nano, on the geography of organized crime Crime and smuggling are phenomena directly linked to the top of the state pyramid Republicans against Nano, on the geography of organized crime Smuggling is being encouraged in the South Crime and smuggling are phenomena directly linked to the top of the state pyramid ON PAGE 3

The Ministry of Finance abuses the laws in force Accounting experts are appointed from among people who still work with a copying pencil and have only secondary-school education, while genuine specialists, recognized and qualified as experts at European economic centers, are swept aside ON PAGE 5

ARTICLE 22 (Main constitutional provisions) A deputy of the People’s Assembly enjoys immunity. A deputy may not be obstructed in the performance of their duties or in obtaining information that does not constitute a state secret. A deputy may not be searched, detained, arrested or prosecuted without the consent of the People’s Assembly. A deputy may be detained without the consent of the People’s Assembly only when committing an obvious and serious crime. A deputy has no legal liability for actions taken or positions held in the performance of their duties as a deputy, or for their vote.

A Member of Parliament is not subject to customs inspection as an individual when entering or leaving the territory of the Republic of Albania, and the same applies to their luggage. Consignments and packages arriving from abroad in the name of Members of Parliament by post, air, sea or land, or through third parties, are also not subject to customs inspection.