Seli Beker seriously injured ON PAGE 4

Police beatings of the people of Kukës ON PAGE 4

Secondary schools heading toward a general strike ON PAGE 5

Thirty-six parties and many prominent figures from Europe and the world strongly condemn Albania’s draft constitution The Madrid Document: “We condemn the shortcomings of the draft Constitution of the Republic of Albania, specifically those of Article 18, which is not in keeping with the European Convention on Human Rights, and those of Article 41, which allows the right to property to be restricted without financial compensation, as well as the establishment of agricultural cooperatives supposedly on a ‘voluntary’ basis.” ON PAGE 3 The 12th Congress of the Christian Democratic International (CDI). CONSIDERING recent developments in Albania, in particular, the assassination of the Democratic Party Member of Parliament Azem Hajdari, and his body guard, and the ensuing political violence. CONSIDERING the conditions under which the constitutional work has been taking place at recent weeks. RECALLS, in particular, the terms of recommendation 1386 (1998) of the Council of Europe, made on 24 September 1998, wherein “The Assembly demands that there be no further political assassinations in the future in Albania, and insists that it is indispensable for a political situation to the current crisis, by embarking on an authentic dialogue between the Albanian political parties.” CONDEMNS Albania, which will be submitted to a referendum this coming November 22, notably those on the right to property, which is not conform with the European Convention on Human Rights, as it does not eliminate possible legal discrimination on the basis of sex, race, religion, language, ethnic origin or faith; and those of article 41, which permits the taking place in recent work. RECALLS, in particular, the terms of recommendation 1366 1998, whereby “The Assembly demands that there be no more than one political process in the future in Albania” and “the Assembly shall it is indispensable to find a political solution between the Albanian political parties.” CONDEMNS November 22, notably those articles which in section 4 of 4, which permits the limitation, without financial compensation, of the right to property, for instance through the establishment of supposedly “voluntary” agricultural cooperatives. INSISTS that the constitutional process be improved in order to allow the taking into account of the advice and independent opinions of the international judicial community, and the organisation of a true democratic consultation between all the political parties in Albania. Facsimile of the Madrid document, signed by dozens of figures in world politics Force Democrate Cristiane-Democrate Nea Demokratia José María Aznar (ilegible signatures and handwritten names)

The opposition in the CEC warns that it will withdraw from all commissions because of numerous irregularities Tens of thousands of unregistered voters, parallel voter lists and, most recently, the reappearance of parallel voting commissions have led the opposition to warn that it will leave the CEC ON PAGE 3

By Bardhyl LONDO Just eight years ago, in what has now entered the history of Albanian pluralism under the name “the embassy incident,” the Albanian ideological state undertook an unprecedented act: it repudiated a large part of its own citizens, calling them scum, traitors, etc., etc. Indeed, to make its shameful accusation seem as credible as possible, it organized a masquerade rally in the center of Tirana. Most of those who were present or spoke from that platform of national shame are now giving “democracy” lectures in today’s parliament. And while they were holding forth, the young people—whom time has shown were not the “scum” of the nation, but, as the wisest people say, among the most peace-loving and freedom- and democracy-loving people Albania has produced—have forgiven their accusers, or at least do not deign to concern themselves with them any longer. The latter, however, continue the “work” left unfinished by the momentum of the pan-Albanian movement for democracy in the 1990s. Those very deputies, or people who share their ideas and ideological formation, have now, eight years later, continued their shameful “rally.” The law on the referendum on the Constitution leaves thousands of Albanians out of the vote—people who left for the roads of Europe to express their disagreement with Albanian communism. Indeed, the number of the “accursed” has now grown from thousands to hundreds of thousands, and all of them will no longer have the right to vote on the founding document of the Albanian state. The referendum law leaves them out, turning them into dead souls. But can a state truly be called an Albanian state if it deprives hundreds of thousands of Albanians who, forced by dire economic circumstances and against their will, work abroad of the right to vote? Can the Albanian Constitution enjoy the necessary legitimacy without the views of these hundreds of thousands of Albanians? Of course not. The dark imagination of the minds that produced this law is inconceivable, as is their effort to implement it by using state mechanisms—in other words, by exerting force over future referendums. According to this law, or the practice being followed to draw up voter lists, hundreds of thousands of Albanians working in Europe will no longer be regarded as—let us say—Albanians, because their state repudiates them. But what nationality and citizenship will these hundreds of thousands have? Greek, Italian, German, Swiss? At a time when the Constitution is expected to express the aspirations of all Albanians, wherever they are and live, it openly divides their representatives and also repudiates a large part of the Albanians registered as citizens within Albania’s present political borders. The picture becomes even bleaker when one recalls that, to defeat the 1994 Constitution, which had been drafted [text unclear], Albanians were forcibly brought from Greece to vote for one that would finally expel Janullatos from Albania and turn the Albanian Orthodox Church into a truly autocephalous church. The same thing happened in 1997, when, contrary to the laws of the Greek state itself, and with its blessing, the party now in power organized its election rally in the center of Athens, in Omonia Square. The Albanian tragicomedy continues. In 1913 Albanians were definitively divided among three states. During the 50 years of communism, they were confined within three states and ideological borders. Albanians within the borders shown on the map were supposed to respect ideological borders, but also to hate those beyond them as political enemies. They had to repudiate them and hate them, as if they were Yugoslavs, because they were “revisionists,” while the others who lived in Europe and America were “bourgeois and degenerate.” Now, with the new referendum law and the official practices being followed to draw up voter lists, Albania is once again repudiating a large proportion of those emigrants who eke out a living scattered throughout Europe. The mistakes and lack of imagination of the state—the inequality, discrimination and repudiation it inflicts on its own citizens—can never be forgotten. Everyone clearly understands that Albania cannot be called Albania without its own blood, without those citizens who work abroad. Those hundreds of thousands of emigrants are currently forced to struggle to survive; they need the protection and support of the Albanian state. Albanians within today’s political borders cannot be made weaker and less threatening by having their unrealized rights and their worth denied through discrimination. No important Albanian issue can be decided in Europe. No important Albanian issue can be decided and resolved without the views and votes of all Albanians, wherever they may be. Albanians without the emigrants living all over the world are a people in need of a new life and of a document supported by another document that repudiates one of the nation’s most vital and patriotic limbs. In the end, what have Albanians done to be repudiated in this way by their state? Nothing but being emigrants. But can it be called their state? How can they be stripped of the right to vote and, consequently, of the right to citizenship? After all these details and distinctions concerning emigrants, one thing is certain: Albanians who have no right to vote on their Albanian Constitution are [text unclear]. Those who make such laws, those who divide these emigrants, are [text unclear] and exclusionists, and these “discoverers” [text unclear].

PD leaders call on local government bodies to apply only the law in the referendum

ON PAGE 2

Laver Çano, chairman of the KQV and head of Alb-Petrol! The government is tucking another, and indeed very large, pumpkin under Laver Çano’s arm. He has been entrusted with it, but after the uproar, he obeyed the Party’s order, since his new “rank” is also connected to the referendum vote and its benefits ... ON PAGE 3

PD leaders Pollo, Minarolli, Beja, Arbnori, Bano, etc., held meetings on Sunday in Belsh, Orikum, Himarë, Cërrik, Balldre, Shëngjin, etc. Belsh and Cërrik were the stops for meetings held on Sunday between the PD’s top representatives and the electorate. The PD Deputy Chairman, Genc Pollo,... ON PAGE 2

Berisha condemns the attack against Sally Becker The Chairman of the Democratic Party, Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha, strongly condemned the attack against the missionary Sally Becker, the well-known “Angel of Mostar,” a rare humanitarian in today’s society, while she was distributing aid in the city of Bajram Curri, calling it a criminal act that runs counter to the Albanian tradition of hospitality and gratitude. Mr. Berisha stressed that this was a grave, deliberate attack against humanitarian missions assisting those who had arrived from Kosovo, and demonstrated the current government’s inability to ensure their safety as a result of its constant collaboration with the gangs that rule this area. Mr. Berisha thanked Sally Becker for her invaluable assistance to those who had arrived and, especially, to the children of Kosovo, and wished her a speedy recovery.

Today, 65 days since the murder of the December Leader Every day that passes since the murder of Azem Hajdari, the symbol of democracy and pluralism, proves the involvement of Fatos Nano’s government and his successor in the crime, which they insist on making all Albanians believe. The government of the former communists, which has left the criminals who took the life of the December Leader free and untroubled, should show Albanians that they have been and remain on the side of the killers, whose names and identities are known, but whom those in power do not touch. Democrats and all Albanians who loved and honoured Azem Hajdari can in no way tolerate this fact. The government must either bring the criminals to justice, or publicly declare that it itself committed the murder of Azem Hajdari.

... almost all the serious ... of November 22, in the ballot boxes of the ... massive ... of the government, ... of its ... Albanians ... Albania ... Many and the freedoms ... the country ... A.K Elbasan, Librazhd in the league ... ... Mar... the public ... held meetings with the PD, with missions of ... and ... for ... interests ...