(and other issues in a letter against anti-Muslim tendencies in Albania) False panic over “Islamic terrorism” in Albania. Abuses and ignorance in the fields of the press and politics. What is the aim of this climate of xenophobia and racism ON PAGES 6–7

Minister Ruka signs off on the allocation of funds ON PAGE 5

The Italian Undersecretary for International Relations calls on the Albanian government to crack down on trafficking Reforming the public-order structures is essential in order to combat illegal trafficking transported to Italy from Albania, Ranieri stated ON PAGE 3

The Minister of Public Order continues to promote within the police people with overt ties to crime and smuggling Police officers continue to be blatantly deceived over pay supplements. They have never received the so-called solidarity tax, although all public-sector employees have paid this tax (including the police officers themselves) ON PAGE 4

Albanian society has experienced all the devastating consequences of the absence of the state over these two years. Two years ago, when the Albanian state fell victim to an armed rebellion that shattered the institutions and brought about a reign of chaos for ordinary Albanian citizens, it was difficult to imagine the consequences that the total absence of the state for several months would bring, along with the total infection spreading through the governance of the left-wing coalition that emerged from the elections of February 29 June. The installation of the rule of armed gangs and Mafia clans was the result of those critical elections, which, for most of the Albanian electorate exhausted by chaos, had inspired a kind of faint hope, at least of emerging from the tragic situation that had arisen. But the two years of left-coalition government have been an uninterrupted cycle of tragedies and catastrophes... situation that had arisen. But two years of left-coalition government have been nothing but an uninterrupted cycle of disappointments, and by now Albanian citizens at least clearly understand the visible consequences of the absence of the state, of the absence of institutions that guarantee the normal functioning of a civil and democratic society. The years can be classified into two categories: external, or those we all see and that are clear to Albanian citizens, and internal, or those that are invisible and difficult for citizens to discern, even though they have devastating consequences for the country’s present and future. Over these two years, Albanian citizens have faced all the consequences of the absence of the rule of law. First, they have faced the absence of public order, the state’s inability to exercise control throughout the country. The lack of public order has allowed crime to dominate, endangering citizens’ lives and making it impossible to engage in normal economic, social, and political activity. Every day citizens live under threat from masked men who rob them on the roads, in the middle of the city, even in their own homes, assault them treacherously, and not infrequently make them victims of gunfire. The absence of public order has fostered smuggling and various forms of trafficking, economic and political Mafia, devastating small and medium-sized businesses in Albania and closing off every prospect for legitimate business. This led to the mass bankruptcy of small and medium-sized manufacturing and trading enterprises, swelling the ranks of the destitute, who can barely keep body and soul together amid deep poverty. The state’s inability to establish the authority of the law brought all development projects to a halt and plunged the country into a deep crisis. Ordinary Albanian citizens confront the effects of this crisis every day: in food markets and discount markets, and in their inability to find a job to put bread on their children’s table. But the effects of the absence of the state are much deeper and much greater than that. First, the absence of the state is leading Albania toward a new isolation, which is both political and economic. The inability to govern isolated the country, enslaving it in a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way. a double—political and economic—way.

Berisha welcomes the Contact Group’s latest decision and President Klinton’s warning to Millosheviç I call on the United States and the countries of the North Atlantic Alliance to send military missions to Kosovo as soon as possible to stop the human catastrophe and the barbarities of Millosheviç’s regime there, to make possible a solution to the deepest crisis Europe is experiencing today, to prevent war and its spread to the territory of ... I wish to welcome yesterday’s decision by the foreign ministers of the Contact Group, as well as today’s ultimatum by the UN Security Council in support of the decisions of that meeting, as the international community’s strongest and most serious effort, and the greatest commitment by the United States and the major powers, members of the Security Council and the Contact Group, to end the human catastrophe in Kosovo and, within a short period, to implement an interim solution, to be followed three years later by a final resolution of Kosovo’s status. I take this opportunity to call on the political forces in Kosovo and the KLA, at this extremely important moment for Kosovo, to set aside their differences and form a negotiating team to represent the 2 million Albanians of Kosovo at Rambouillet and defend their human and national interests. Participation in the negotiations and the holding of the Rambouillet meeting in Paris, convened by the major powers, and the defense of the interests of Kosovo’s Albanians at that meeting are of vital importance. Avoiding participation, on the other hand, would truly help Slobodan Millosheviç, the butcher of the Balkans, at a critical moment. I also welcome the willingness of France, Great Britain, Germany, and Italy to send their troops to Kosovo. I call on the United States and the countries of the North Atlantic Alliance to send military units to Kosovo as soon as possible to stop the human catastrophe and the barbarities of Millosheviç’s regime in Kosovo, to make possible a solution to the deepest crisis Europe is experiencing today, and to prevent war and its spread to other territories in the Balkans. Today I also wish to welcome the strong warning President Klinton delivered to Slobodan Millosheviç yesterday. I also wish to welcome the letter sent to President Klinton by great friends of the Albanian nation, M. Abramoviç, B. Dole, S. Brezhinski, and all 15 former presidential candidates, former cabinet members, and leaders of the main US institutions. They ask the American president for the United States to back its leading role with concrete actions, to end the tragedy, the deepest crisis Europe is experiencing in Kosovo, to put an end to the massacres, to establish peace under an interim arrangement, and, after three years, to give Albanians the opportunity to decide by referendum on the final status of the Republic of Kosovo. This letter, this commitment by great friends of the Albanian people, constitutes substantial and moral support for all Albanians at a critical moment for them. I am convinced that, for this great message of freedom and support from our distinguished friends, they will have the gratitude of Albanians for a long time. I condemn the latest massacre in Rugovë të Hasit, considering it a continuation of the plan to wipe out the Albanian people piece by piece. Once again, I call on all Albanians to respond to the international community’s invitation. Albanians must go to Paris united, with a negotiating team; justice is on the side of the Albanians. Kosovo’s Albanians have no reason to avoid the deepest crisis Europe is experiencing today, in order Slobodan Millosheviç yesterday. I believe that the hour of wisdom will call on Albanians to stand together and go together to Rambouillet to defend their human and national interests. This is a very important meeting, so we must not leave a vacuum and give the butcher of the Balkans an advantage through the absence of the Albanians. I believe a military solution is unavoidable, and I am convinced that Millosheviç understands only one language, the language of force; but Albanians must not give him any opportunity to cover up the bloodshed and massacres committed so far in Kosovo.

Prosecutors oppose Kadare. Gjinushi and Ceka are in their ranks too The debate Albanian prosecutors have begun with the great writer Ismail Kadare is another occasion to demonstrate that Albania’s political prosecutors not only represent political instability... The debate Albanian prosecutors have begun with the great writer Ismail Kadare is another occasion to demonstrate that Albania’s political prosecutors not only represent political instability, as Kadare said, but also their great desire for quarrels...

The debate that Albanian prosecutors have initiated with the great writer Ismail Kadare is another occasion to show that Albania’s political prosecutors not only represent political instability, as Kadare has said, but also have a great desire for Albanian disputes to grow as large as possible. The debate that Albanian prosecutors have initiated show Kadare has said, but also have a great desire for Albanian disputes to grow as large as possible. The attempt by two of the leaders of the Albanian prosecution service to testify against Ismail Kadare is not only biased, but also demonstrates a serious lack of civic-mindedness within the Albanian prosecution service. They speak to Kadare as one might speak to an accused person. Arben Rakipi, the prosecutor used by Nano, knows well how much instability his orders have caused; they were entirely in sync with what Fatos Nano wanted and ordered. His obedience to government policy has shifted the prosecution service from an institution defending justice into a repressive, wholly political institution with an ideological background. He not only insulted Kadare, but also the country where not only Kadare but Albanian literature and culture have found, and continue to find, their great supporter. Likewise, the guard of prosecutors who came up during the time of Aranit Çela represents the darkest part of its history, beginning with Military Prosecutor Goga, the head of investigations, Tirana, and others. Kadare is entirely right to see Albania’s instability as their doing. He had occasion to know them even during the days of the dictatorship, when each of them was a little satan to anyone seeking even a little freedom. The Tirana prosecutor’s attempt to implicate all Albanian prosecutors—by suggesting that they are like the authors of the open letter against Berisha—is another disservice she is doing to this institution. The debate with Kadare is in no way an investment in the credibility of the Prosecution Service. It would be far more honest for each person offended by his statement to let their conscience trouble them and make a decision in the country’s best interests: to leave this institution, which for two years running has represented only the political faction, dependence on the government, atrophy in the face of crime, and an interest in corruption. Perhaps something would change if Tirana, Goga, or someone else were unable to devise, from the offices of the Albanian prosecution service, schemes to eliminate the opposition, discriminate against its activities and its leaders in the PD, and even bring criminal charges against the Chairman of the PD, Berisha. It is perfectly clear to prosecutors how much they contributed to the elimination of Azem Hajdari: by seeking to strip him of his immunity, imprisoning his security detail and relatives, concealing the file on his murder, and deliberately obstructing the investigation of this macabre act by the regime of Nano and Gjinushi. Hajdari had also brought criminal proceedings against the perpetrators of the attack at the Milot Bridge, but can the political prosecutors say what became of his charge? Kadare is a great writer, but he is also a great Albanian. He takes a decisive stand on the country’s important issues, and this is what makes him a great public figure even when he speaks about politics, and when he speaks about other matters. Politicians who do not love their country, who do not love their people, who have set their gangs upon the backs of the people until they drain their lives and money, cannot smear Kadare, nor can they dispute his value on Albanian issues. So Gjinushi, who is small in every respect, cannot do this either.

Daji: Gjinushi and his associates disagree with Demokarcia, not with Berisha. The member of the DP leadership comments on the refusal of dialogue and the anti-crime pact by part of the governing coalition ON PAGE 2

The PD Secretary for Foreign Relations, Leonard Demi, urges the government to support Berisha’s pact Those who have used double tactics—the ballot boxes and weapons—must finally and unequivocally choose the democratic path. It is not an easy task, but it is an inescapable reality ON PAGE 3

Organizational strengthening will continue in the coming days ON PAGE 2 Organizational strengthening will continue in the coming days The Vlora PD structures are moving toward consolidation ON PAGE 2 Chief Prosecutor Rakipi takes primitive revenge on his subordinate for political reasons Deputy Prosecutor Dizdari is dismissed from his job ON PAGE 4